فهرست مطالب ابراهیم طاهری

This study aims to investigate the relationship between media consumption in virtualspace and lifestyle according to the role of demographic variables and socio-economic base. This research is a quantitative, cross-sectional and applied study in the form of a survey, which has a descriptive and analytical approach and evaluates the main problem of the research among the youth of Tehran. The statistical population is young people aged 18 to 34 in Tehran and the sample size is 400 people based on the Cochran formula, and these people were selected by multi-stage and random cluster sampling in 10 neighborhoods of 5 regions (1,4,6,15,22) of Tehran. The data obtained from the questionnaire was analyzed by Spss software. The results of the research showed that the variables "media consumption in virtual space and its constructive dimensions (audio-visual and written) and the duration of using virtual space, the amount of use of social networks and the amount of use of different media" have a direct and meaningful relationship with the lifestyle of young people. have. Also, there is no significant difference between media consumption in virtual space and the lifestyle of young people in terms of gender, marital status, age, living area, income and socio-economic base variable, on the other hand, between media consumption in virtual space and lifestyle of young people in terms of There is a significant difference between education and occupation. Also, media consumption provides the context for changing the lifestyle from traditional to middle (hybrid) and from middle to modern (western).

Civilian power avoids militarism and uses soft tools to achieve its goals. Germany, Japan, and the European Union are considered as civilian powers. The purpose of research is comparing the political-security strategy of civilian power with an emphasis on Japan political – security strategy in Southwest and Southeast Asia.The question of the research is what are the characteristics of the political-security strategy of civilian powers for achieving their goals in general and Japan as a civilian power in Southwest Asia and Southeast Asia?. The results show that the civilian powers mainly rely on the power of the hegemon to provide their political security goals. It is for this reason that Japan in Southwest Asia in the form of accommodative starategy and in Southeast Asia, until 2010 in the form of same strategy, sought to realize its political-security goals, but from 2010 onwards, it seems that it intends to use the Collaborative buck-passing strategy with US to pursue its political - security goals: For this reason, it is said that in addition to soft balancing, Tokyo also uses hard balancing tools to control China. The research method used is from the type of matching the theory with the case and the comparative qualitative analysis method.

Iran and Pakistan's foreign policies toward Afghanistan are significantly influenced by the geopolitics of this country. As a result, the research question will be: how has Geopolitics influenced Iran's and Pakistan's foreign policies toward Afghanistan between 2001 and 2022? From the Geopolitics perspective, Pakistan, concerned about India's control over its strategic depth after the Taliban's removal at 2001. Iran, attempted to reduce the influence of its international adversary, the United States of America, in Afghanistan. It was natural that the competition of geostrategy entered other fields, including geoeconomics, in which Pakistan, in the form of a "greater Central Asia" concept, and Iran, in the form of a "North-South Corridor", were trying to connect Afghanistan to the outside world. In terms of geoculture, both countries tried to increase their influence by supporting Afghan groups. This research uses the comparative qualitative analysis method. The purpose of the research is to investigate the role of geopolitics on the foreign policy of Iran and Pakistan towards Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021

Russia's presence in Syria and its alliance with countries opposed to the West, especially Iran, as well as the effective economic and military relationship with Israel and Turkey as two allies of the West in the region, have increased the level of this country's acting ability in the Middle East. On the other hand, the nuclear potential and powerful military force of this country is itself a factor in the presence of Russia in this region. Therefore, the future position of this country in the regional order of the Middle East is very important. The purpose of the upcoming article is to examine Russia's position in the future of the Middle East regional order. The research method used is the descriptive-analytical method using Peter Schwartz's future research approach. The question of the current article is: What are the possible scenarios related to the future of Russia's position in the Middle East regional order based on Peter Schwartz's future research method? The results show that four scenarios: 1- maintaining the balance of power system in the Middle East through balancing between Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Israel with a multipolar approach, 2- forming a bipolar system with Iran as a pole of power in front of The US-Saudi pole, 3- The decline of Russia's position in the Middle East regional order and its role in international institutions, including the United Nations Security Council, and finally, 4- The possibility of removing Russia from the equations related to the regional order in the Middle East is likely. It seems that the first scenario is the most likely scenario in which Russia will try to balance the existing powers in the region alongside America.

In the current international system, countries try to create the desired networks by linking issues with places. India is no exception and is trying to build its own network. The research question is what is the attributes of network building in India's foreign policy and what is the position of Iran in this strategy? The results show, the first pillar of India's foreign policy network building strategy includes its immediate neighbors with the aim of connecting South-West Asia with Southeast Asia. The next circle includes the countries of the Indian Ocean, including Iran. Finally, the third link seeks to connect India with Central Asia and beyond in the form of a north-south corridor. Of course, the three rings are completely connected and together form a network to eurasia. Iran is in the second ring of India's networking, and India is looking to compete with China and Pakistan in Chabahar. However, with a long-term approach, it seeks to implement the North-South corridor with the aim of becoming a major power. This research uses network theory as its theoretical framework and the research method is the method of matching the case with the theory.

The "deal of the century" was the Trump administration's most important policy on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and there are important questions about it: What are the features of this plan? Can the Century Deal Plan Resolve the Longest Contemporary Controversy in the Middle East? In this article, relying on "futures research" and scenario planning method, the most probable scenario for the transaction plan of the century is examined. The hypothesis of the article is that "the deal of the century is doomed to failure due to the lack of understanding of the nature of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, ignoring the basic concerns of the Palestinians and creating a state without sovereignty for them." The Century Deal has no potential for centralizing peace negotiations, but it should be noted that the most important goal of the plan is to legitimize the status quo in the occupied territories. However, the most probable scenario is the escalation of Israel's illegitimate actions to annex territories, settlements, increase consultations with conservative Arab countries with the aim of increasing pressure on the Palestinians and de-ruling the Palestinian Authority.

In the multipolar order of the Middle East regional security complex as one of the most important and, at the same time, the most tensional security complexes of the international system, Iran and Saudi Arabia, as the most important countries in this complex, play a huge role in developments within the region. Among these factors such as: ideological conflicts, geopolitical and geo-economic rivalry, different views of the US role in the region, different perceptions of the rule of religion, power and justice, etc. have led to the pattern of competition between the two countries. But this model can be transformed into other models of relations between the two countries due to various variables and have different consequences on the security order in the Middle East. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the future of Iran-Saudi Arabia political relations and its consequences on the Middle East regional order. The question of this study is: What will be the consequences of the evolution of the Iran-Saudi Arabia behavior pattern on this order? This research is a descriptive research with a futuristic approach and uses the script writing method.

Revolutionary waves have always been a challenge to political systems. The culmination of these revolutions was in the twentieth century. In the 21st century, revolutions have become a serious challenge to the political systems of the Middle East and North Africa. To explain why and how the revolution took place, the general theories and models of the revolution have been presented by political scientists. This is especially true for sociologists of the revolution. Hossein Bashirieh, a former associate professor at the University of Tehran with a specialization in political sociology, is trying to provide general analytical models in this regard. The book From Crisis to Collapse: An Inquiry into the Persistence or Collapse of Political Systems is written with this approach in mind, which will be reviewed and criticized in this study. In this regard, a general introduction about the work and the author will be presented in the introduction. Then, in the second topic, in two separate domains, the formal and content aspects of the work are examined, and finally, in the third topic, with a critical approach, the formal and content shortcomings of the book are mentioned. Moreover, the conclusion is the final part of this article

After the Islamic Revolution, Iran has pursued a special discourse at the global and regional levels. This new discursive identity seeks to achieve its discursive ideals in its traditional domain, namely the Middle East. The research question is: What are the characteristics of the regionalist discourse pursued by the Islamic Republic of Iran? And what tools does Iran use to realize the discourse of Islamic regionalism? The findings indicate that currently the three Salafi discourses of Saudi Arabia, the Brotherhood of Turkey and the revolutionary Shiites of Iran are competing in shaping this region. Their most important points of contention are how they deal with Israel and the role and influence of outside powers, including the United States, in the region. The main goal of the Iranian revolutionary Shiite discourse is the idea of uniting the Muslim world with the approach of civilizational warfare, whereas in another discourse, they pursue the nation-state approach and do not follow the idea of unity of the Muslim World. The central signifier of Islamic regionalism is political Islam and the central signifier of the other two discourses is secularism. Iran pursues the main goal of this discourse through networking with geopolitical, geo-cultural and geo-economic themes. The main referent of geopolitical networking is the Israeli threat, the referent of geo-cultural networking is displayed through close contact with the Muslim Brotherhood version of Islam, and finally, the referent of geo-economic networking is demonstrated from the Persian or Islamic pipeline. By combining the two concepts of meaning and geography, Iran seeks to confront the malignant Western hegemony. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the discourse of Islamic regionalism considered by the Islamic Republic of Iran using a descriptive-analytical approach.

America's involvement in Afghanistan, Iraq and the Muslim world in general led to the country's international image and reputation damaged. To cope with this situation, the Americans tried to use science and technology. In this regard the appointment of envoys from the United States to different parts of the world was under special attention. The main focus was to send faculty to Muslim-majority countries. Academic staff play catalytic role in the field of cooperation and communication between the parties. The question is that what is the main priorities and shaping the institutions of science and technology diplomacy of America in Central Asia? It seems most science and technology cooperation between the United States and Central America focused on the discussion of weapons of mass destruction, water and education. The institutions involved in this section are the government sectors and private sector is also mainly limited role in this regard. The research method will be descriptive and analytical method using data for the second batch.

The main question this research seeks to answer is as follows: What implications will the future of federalism in Iraq and Syria bring about for Iran’s strategic interests in the Middle East? The hypothesis to answer the question is that as a regional power, Iran has such interests as strategic presence in the Levant region to contain Israel, making efforts at exporting gas to Europe through the Middle East, preventing spillover effect of the Kurdish movement to its territory and obstructing Turkey’s access to the Persian Gulf markets, and oil and gas energy resources. Therefore, probable independence of Iraqi Kurdistan would endanger Iran’s status as a regional power in the Middle East, turning Iran’s regional rivals including Turkey into the major decision makers concerning regional order. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this paper intends to investigate the future of Iraqi Kurdistan’s independence and its repercussions for Iran’s strategic interests in the Middle East.

Positive thinking is the result of a mental conception of the capabilities one country can play for another. So that any action taken by country A can have beneficial results for B. Finding positive aspects in comparison with the negative effects is some of dimensions of positive thinking. In fact, changing the attitude from negativity toward positivity is a long-term process which is, of course is due to a reciprocal and interactive relationship. Therefore, positive thinking, while somewhat rooted in objective facts, comes from the thinking of the person at first and the elite ruling of foreign policy as a device of that country in the second phase. For example, while most of Gulf States have a pessimistic look about Iran's nuclear program and implicitly advocated unilateral action by the United States and Israel against Iran (Saudi Arabia is notable in this case), Central Asian countries have looked more positive and cautious about Iran's nuclear program and rejected any unilateral attack on the country with the aim of destroying its nuclear facilities, and called for a peaceful solution to this issue. For example, Uzbekistan was silent about Iran's nuclear issue, indicating no support from the parties to the conflict; Turkmenistan supports Iran for its borders with Iran and high-level economic relations with the country. Tajikistan had a more positive attitude toward Iran's nuclear program than all of Central Asian countries. Meanwhile, Kyrgyzstan and its president strongly opposed any unilateral attack on Iran's nuclear facilities through the Kyrgyzstan manas base. (Although this site is not currently leased to Americans) and called for a peaceful solution to this issue. Kazakhstan also challenges the international community's stance on Iran's nuclear program. On the other hand, they want Iran to cooperate more in this regard with the international community, For example, in November of 2011, Nursultan Nazarbayev, in a media commentary, announced that current sanctions would suffice because the IAEA conclusions were ambiguous, and the IAEA inspectors should once more go to Iran's nuclear facilities for further investigation. He Asked the United States to enter directly with Iran to resolve the remaining issues. Given the above assumptions, the basic question is posed: What are the reasons for the Central Asian countries to look positively towards the Islamic Republic of Iran? Are economic, political-security-strategic considerations effective in creating such a view? In response to the above question, it can be argued that a set of political, economic, security and strategic considerations serves as a reason for the positive perception of Central Asian countries compared with the countries of the southern Gulf of Persian Gulf to the Islamic Republic of Iran. For example, while Tajikistan and Turkmenistan have good commercial and economic ties with Iran, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan have political and strategic motives, worrying about the spread of political instability in the region and its spread within their borders and the activation of Islamist groups in their country. Kazakhstan, as an influential country in Central Asia, is concerned about the prevalence of instability and the possibility of Iran reacting to a military strike against them. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytic after event occurrence. In this regard, at first, the dependent variable, the positive look of Central Asian countries, was investigated in the form of an examination of the approach of the elites of these countries to Iran. For example,  statements by presidents of some of countries regions, including NourSultan Nazarbayev, have been advocating remarks, indicating their support for the peaceful nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Authors studied geo-economic, geo-strategic and geo-cultural indicators to clarify their independent variables. In other words, in order to prove the research hypothesis, using existing information and statistics and library, the authors tried to prove a meaningful relationship between two variables, namely, the positive thinking of Central Asian countries relative to Iran, due to geo-economic, geo-strategic, and geo-cultural considerations. Therefore, the reasons for the Central Asian countries to look positively towards Iran, especially in the nuclear issue derive from geo-politics, geo-cultural and geo-economic dimensions. For example, all Central Asian countries have a degree of economic relations with Iran and Iran could be considered a key factor in the future for the access of these countries to free water. For example, nearly 70% of cotton exports are currently exported to the outside world through the Islamic Republic as the second largest export commodity in Uzbekistan. In terms of security-strategy, Central Asian countries are also concerned about weakening Iran and the powering of countries such as Turkey, Israel and Pakistan, That is the reason why a country like Kazakhstan explicitly declares that the West's approach to Iran's nuclear program is not transparent and they want to clarify the true nature nuclear programs of Israel and Pakistan because they don’t regard Israel as having nuclear weapons, and put the Islamic Republic at the forefront. The third reason why Central Asian countries have a positive outlook for Iran is that they are worried about the spread of insecurity and instability resulting from the attack and rehabilitation of Iran's rigid response. Finally, the cultural and soft powers of Iran in the region and the influence of Iran among the peoples of the countries of the region will make the decision making system of Central Asian countries, even in countries like Uzbekistan, to look at the Islamic Republic of Iran as an influential country in the Central Asian region. Therefore, the positive attitude of Central Asian countries towards the Islamic Republic of Iran is due to their beliefs about the functioning of Iran in the regional sub-system. As a result, the main motivations of Central Asian countries to support Iran's nuclear program are rooted in various political, security, economic and geostrategic considerations which could increase Iran's regional weight among these countries. Whether this pattern can be repeated in relation to the Persian Gulf countries that have a negative view of Iran, needs to be explored separately.

The constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran was revised in 1989. The question of this research is what the dominant discourses on this revision are and on what elements they focused. Reforms seem to be the result of rivalry between the Islamic leftist and rightist discourses. Islamic leftist, believed in velayat-e faghih, was trying to find a balance between the republicanism and Islamism of system and they also believed in propositions such as the impossibility of dissolving the parliament by the leadership, timing the course of leadership, the divine-people legitimacy of the government, the leader’s responsibility to people, coordination of the powers by the president, and opposition to leader’s delegate. While the Islamic rightist believed in Velayat-e Motlaghe faqih and define republicanism under Islamism Therefore, they believed in propositions such as the dissolution of the parliament, the dismissal of the president, opposition to the timing of leadership period, the divine basi3s legitimacy of the government, and the presence and involvement of a leadership delegate in executive bodies. The purpose of this study is to identify the dominant discourses on the constitution revision of Iran in 1989 based on the method of discourse analysis.

To examine Indian foreign policy towards the outside world, it can be divided into three periods: In the first period, which includes 1950-1960s its foreign policy was influenced by influential leaders of the first period of independence, Nehru and Gandhi that moved it into an ambitious idealistic. In the second period which include the interval between 1970 and 1980, India's foreign policy saw a degree of realism, but it also adhered to the fundamental principles of the NAM and the Third Worldism. One of the characteristics of this era is the anti-Western and anti-colonial image of India; supported the Palestinian people vigorously and was reluctant to cooperate diplomatically and politically with Israel. The third period in Indian foreign policy began in 1990 with the collapse of the former Soviet Union as one of the two main pillars of the international system during the Cold War and is still ongoing. In this period, India was trying to connect with all major powers in the international system through the strategy of the bridging power. Thereby providing the political, economic and security interests it needs. At the regional level, as well as reducing tensions with neighbors, especially China and Pakistan, the most restrained in border disputes has been shown.
The relationship of this country with the Middle East and Iran has also been a great deal of arsenal. Although the history of Iran-India relations is as much as history. In fact, Iran was neighboring India by 1947. After the Indian Subcontinent collapsed, Pakistan was buffered between Iran and India. During this period, relations between the two countries have been faced with various ups and downs. For example, before the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, they co-operated in the framework of the NAM. After 1991 and the change in the Indian foreign policy approach, relations between the two countries have gone up and down. While India at the IAEA Board of Governors, considered NPT as a form of discriminatory action But it contributed to the sanctions imposed by the Security Council against the Islamic Republic of Iran.
However, the main question posed by this study is that the most important opportunities and constraints of Indian foreign relations to the Islamic Republic of Iran?
India's foreign policy orientation with regional and Trans regional powers and patterns of friendship and hostility derived from this relationship can have opportunities for Iran. The transformation of India into a great power and the rule of multipolar space in the long run will ensure Iran's national interests. Therefore, this kind of Indian attitude creates opportunities for Iran Especially that India is not willing to have trans-regional powers in its periphery. Iran also does not want the presence and influence of trans- regional and regional powers such as NATO and Pakistan in its peripheral regions, including Afghanistan (Tiwari, 2015:6). Having a geopolitical position and a common border with Pakistan, Iran has become an historic opportunity for India to be trying to control Pakistan with its proximity to Iran. Disagreements between India and China on the presence of trans-regional powers in Asia create new opportunities for Iran's foreign policy Because Iran, after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, did not want to see the presence of trans-regional powers such as the United States and NATO in peripheral areas, including in the Middle East and Central Asia Caucasus.
Although Indian foreign relations create opportunities for Iran, it creates restrictions for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Increasing the power of India will cause serious presence of this country in the periphery of Iran. At any moment, the relationship between Iran and India may be moving into deterioration, notably because of the proximity of India to the West, the United States and Israel to make India a cooperator to a rival for the national interests of Iran and to work with other countries to impose restrictions on Iran (Mohan, 2013: 2-4). India's close relations with the United States has become a major concern for Iran. Under the influence of the close relationship between the two countries, in 2005, India agreed to the UN Security Council with a positive vote to transfer Iran's nuclear issue from the International Atomic Energy Agency to the UN Security Council. Similarly, the close and positive relationship between India and Saudi Arabia, with geoeconomic, geoculture and geopolitics considerations, creates restrictions for the relationship between Iran and India.
The type of foreign relations of India and the choice of target points in its foreign policy will have positive and negative consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. For example, while Israel and America are among the enemies of Iran, after 1991, India moved towards improving relations with both countries and became strategic partners for both countries. India’s excessive close relations to Amarica led to refer Iran's case from the IAEA Board of Governors to the UN Security Council on Iran's nuclear issue. The issue that has taken energy of Iran's foreign policy for nearly a decade to resolve it and become a normally international issue. The improvement of the relationship between India and Saudi Arabia, as it is a rival country of Iran in the Middle East region in terms of the geo-economics of the oil exporter, Geoculture (a different view of Islam than the revolutionary Shiite of Iran) and geopolitics (a different view of the security and the presence and influence of powers A region by two countries) could create restrictions for Iran. However, all foreign relations of India are not limitation for the Islamic Republic of Iran And the country's orientation towards Pakistan and China could provide opportunities for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Other advantages of Indian foreign relations include the efforts to create a multipolar world, a positive and traditional relationship with Russia, as well as pessimism about the presence of transatlantic forces in Afghanistan. Which, with Iran's strategic vision, has overlapped the international system and provided the opportunity for more of the two countries to come together.

In results of Increase in the level of communication between actors in the international system, a new kind of order on the basis of common cultural, political, security and economic formed that Unlike the old order in the international system is not a mere geographical aspect and communications and subscriptions have principal role in this order. In new order regions has been seen as circles that Nodes connecting them with each other. For example, in the formwork of new perception from the order, Middle East and central Asia region are not separated from each other but conceive in formwork of one region that has common economic features such as producer of raw material in international system, marginalization in international economic order, Fragile and vulnerable in their strategic ties with the central regions, economic and military dependence to central regions and being in frame of control policy of central system. The purpose of this research is explanation of Middle East and central Asia hybrid order with the above features. Methods used will be the inductive –positive method.

Why Iran has a different security policy in Syria and Iraq? Many explanations have been raised within the framework of materialist notions. The purpose of this paper is to provide an alternative explanation with a critical approach. We used the qualitative method of documentary analysis that includes, aside from the accurate presentation of question, hypothesis, and purpose of research, several stages; providing an interactive dialectical framework with the aim of conducting research, determining and select resources that have authenticity, credibility, representativeness and meaning and also content sampling from resources. This explanation is based on the hypothesis that the Islamic identity of Iran is the most important factor in shaping Iran's security policy. This alternative explanation is not only explaining Iran’s military and security role in the region’s countries but also justifies and legitimizes it. Islamic identity is the most basic cause of Iran's security policy in these countries. The increasing instability in the region and the power vacuum as a mediator variable only have provided opportunity for tangible influence of Islamic identity on Iran security policy.

Since 1971, the United States follows Israel's security and ensuring the security of energy flow goals in the Middle East. Is the pattern that U.S. adopted to achieve these goals in Foreign Policy is subject to change in the future? To achieve these goals, America tried to take the Middle East geo-economic points including the Persian Gulf under its political –security control since World War II. At geopolitical points near Israel, it perused the change of elite's decision in countries such as Egypt and Jordan and Regime Change in countries such as Iraq and Syria. Entering countries such as England, France and Turkey, the results shows that America Will attempt to govern a multilateral security system in the Persian Gulf in the future, but it pursues decision change in geopolitical areas and political structure change with the priority of federalism in Weak countries.

Science is a global phenomenon which is not confined to geopolitical boundaries. Science acquisition primarily requires motivation, great interest and diligence. Scientists are global citizens. The ability of the scientific societies to go beyond the demarcated boundaries of nations and geography is known to all. The future world empire will be created by those who plan to control science. As an advanced form of knowledge, science has officially recognized the privileges of soft power in the emerging knowledge-based world economy. Applying the capacity of scientific diplomacy in realization of foreign policy objectives is among the acceptable assumptions in this approach. The main question before this paper to respond, is this: Are there certain models in connection with scientific diplomacy? The results, attained through comparative study of scientific diplomacy in regional and transregional countries, suggest that all countries possess a concentrated model of scientific diplomacy, although it is of a concentrated partnership model (role of non-governmental organizations) in the United States. These models vary in terms of objectives. In American model, science and technology are used to boost US power in international arena, while Turkish model pursues science acquisition. In European Union model, science is at the service of EU soft power, and in Indian model science and politics serve each other. In all these models, the states have primarily embarked on inking cooperation agreements. In the next stage, the scientific advisor undertakes the role of making the agreement operational through formation of joint committees. Membership in international scientific bodies is another measure by the states to that end. This paper intends to study various models of scientific diplomacy in regional and transregional powers through a comparative method of research.