نشریه مطالعات خاورمیانه
سال سیزدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 47، تابستان و پاییز 1385)

This research seeks to explore the challenges confronting the process of political, security and cultural transition and its impact on regional peace and security. The author argues that the Iraqi developments and direction of war on the part of the United States in the country have revealed realities and paradoxes at the regional level whose results will not be to the benefit of the intervening powers’ position and influence in the formation of new political, security, economic and cultural systems of the region. It also will increase the complicated gaps found among the regional nations and states. From the author’s viewpoint, a different Iraq with new characteristics can underpin stability and enhance exchanges among the regional nations and states. The author concludes that the solution for the existing impasse can be found in the withdrawal of foreign forces from the region and reduction of their influence in regional power structure and politics.

Iraq is the second country which was attacked in line of the war on terrorism strategy. Although initially the United States made rapid victories and overthrew the Ba’athist regime in Iraq, the continuity of acts of terrorism throughout the world demonstrates that the victory has proved quite superficial. In other words, an analysis of terrorist incidents following US invasion of Iraq indicates that the invasion has increased and encouraged rather than decreased acts of terrorism. US military actions as well as its full-fledged support for Israel happen to give rise to such a phenomenon.

Following the fall of the bipolar system and reinforced integration among the European nations, the Middle East has gained further importance. Today, continued and intensified instability in the strategically significant Middle East region may obviously affect the security of the European Union. The roots of this instability may be traced in three issues including terrorism, weapons of mass destruction and nuclear arms, and regional conflicts. Hence, the European Union which lacks adequate military strength to solve such problems and in the meantime does not regard such a mechanism as efficient, seeks to peacefully remove threats and crises. Now the question is whether the Middle Eastern authoritarian governments’ acceptance of EU software approach arises from the fear they feel from US militarist posture or from collaborating with the Union itself.

This article studies the security-military relations between the United States and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (PGCC) in order to identify its consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran’s national security. Statistics indicate that the PGCC members have made efforts, following the September 11th events, to boost their military-security ties with the United States, though Saudi-US relationships have been subject to a strategic contradiction. Such facts especially the presence of US military forces in the Iraqi territory have led to the military encirclement of Iran and on the other hand it succeeded at preserving and enhancing its security and international status by affirming the war on terrorism led by the United Nations. This will require efforts at adopting an appropriate strategy in foreign policy intended to take advantage of the existing conditions.

This article examines the oscillations of Iran-Ottoman/Turkey relations since the early 1820s to the present particularly from the viewpoints of Ottoman/Turkish political-military elites. The study displays that there were two parallel simultaneous trends of collaboration and competition between the two countries: cooperation in economic, political and partly in military matters, and differences on Kurd, Armenian and Azeri minorities. Although with the advent of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, mutual economic interests continued to act as a coordinating factor, ideological differences caused certain disagreements. The author finally suggests that Iran-Turkey ties in this period were mainly affected by historical, geographical and strategic realities rather than determined by leaders or regimes.

The study of how the United Nations Security Council decided to confront Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 and comparing it with the 2003 crisis has attracted scant attention of scholars. The comparison adequately reveals gradual change in US attitude towardsglobal issues as well as its outlook on the UN Security Council. Hence, a question is raised today that whether the United States principally needs the United Nations and its organs. This article presents the stance of American scholars towards the envisioned reforms in the UN Security Council, considering the Iraqi crisis and its consequences.

In the past three years, Iran's nuclear program has attracted the attention of the world and international institutions. In spite of Iran's insistence on the peaceful nature of the program and making continuous efforts at international confidence-building, Israel and the United States have engaged in a variety of activities in order toprevent the regional states including Iran from acquiring nuclear technology. Israel has described Iran's nuclear program as the most important concern for itself. Hence, the principle of deterrence constitutes the fundamental element in Israel's security doctrine. On the other hand, Israel views Iran as a political and ideological rival which should be constrained and weaken. Thus along with the United States, Israel presents Iran as a threat, and any negotiations with Iranians are rejected. It is also noteworthy that Israel itself has pioneered the arms race in the region and tries to restrict other Middle Eastern states by taking such actions as media propaganda.