فصلنامه سیاست خارجی
سال سی‌ام شماره 4 (پیاپی 120، زمستان 1395)

The exit of Britain from the Middle East coinciding with the Vietnam war crisis pushed the US to mainly follow its “bi-pillar” doctrine through its allies in the region. The emergence of the Islamic revolution in Iran jeopardized regional balance. The fear of a growing communist influence and possible consequences along with the Iran-Iraq war led to the presence of this country in the region. This presence was further consolidated following Saddam’s invasion of Kuwait. Throughout the presidencies of Bush senior and Clinton, the US policy was a combination of idealism -new world order after the second Persian Gulf war- and realism – further control over Iraq and Iran. This line of policy pointed to the country’s will to establish a -fluid- balance and -relative- stability which in turn led to the establishment of a sort of “cold peace” in the region. Obama’s rather different approach in turn followed the Wilsonist tradition while incorporating an active policy oriented towards rehabilitating the damaged image of the US through the use of intelligent power -mixture of soft and hard power- and by restoring the United States leadership while taking advantage of the potential of international organizations and regional coalitions and keeping away from Bush Junior’s unilateral approach.

China-Pakistan relations over the past half-century have been broad and strategic with each other. The high level of relations between the two countries means improved multilateral. That some of experts of China-Pakistan relations consider as the United States and Israel relations and believe Pakistan is china’s Israel in South Asia. However, the two countries since 2016 announced the expansion of diplomatic relations with each other. The main question of this paper is: What causes expand relations between the two countries in recent years and what impacts on the South Asia region? This paper also considers the expansion of economic relations (completion of The Silk Road Corridor economies) of the China-Pakistan deepen and broaden relations between Washington and New Delhi. This research findings is that the new relations between the actors leading to polarization (China and Pakistan against US and India) against each other ,the disorder in South Asia region and competition between the actors, that will bring new Cold War in the region.

Although the respect for, and protection and implementation of freedom of expression, as a fundamental human right by states, may be considered a self-evident notion in the viewpoint of some, its realization however, is in fact, incumbent upon principled confirmation, and reasonable and logical justifications. The state’s recognition of the prominent position of freedom of expression, as well as their national and international responsibilities for its protection, can minimize infringements and arbitrary violations of this right. Moreover, the aforementioned restrains the legislator from freely applying limitative measures on this right, unless in the form of an exception to the rule; thereby subjecting such actions to necessary scrutiny and justification such a recognition is achievable in light of awareness and commitments of states to the obligations arising from international treaties, International Customary Laws and Jus Cogens, pertaining to the first generation of Human Rights, i.e. civil and political rights. This article attempts to analyse the subject matter by applying the inductive method. Thus, it first describes the basis of the states’ obligations as enshrined in the international and regional human rights instruments. It then starts reckoning the applicable, legitimate and legal bounds to the right to freedom of expression, and reviews the Human Rights Committee’s General Comments. The article ultimately concludes by clarifying the pillars of states’ international obligations and how the said right is violated.

Asia –Pacific region is galloping toward security Dilemma formation considering the high volume of arm import, high rocketing military expenditure and modernization of military and maritime forces in the regional countries. Economic and military developments intertwined with strategic competitionin the Asia – Pacific region will lead in to destabilization of the region in near future. To cope with threats and destabilization, regional countries go after augmentation of their security through formation of coalition or upgrading their military power, what the realists remind it as security Dilemma. The whole developments currently are taking place in the region. Based on the facts, the article is seeking to consider whether the increase in the military expenditure and the augmentation of arms import in the region combined with territorial disputes, lack of definite mechanism for dispute settlement and lack of security integrity among the regional states, will have the potentials of formation of security Dilemma and conflict, taking in to account the presence of crucial economic and military powers like US, China and Japan in the region?

Foreign policy of the country comes from diverse causes. The analysis of foreign policy researchers use a variety of theories and models that one of these theories is systemic pattern. This study aims to assess the systemic application of theory revisionist policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy during the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The aim of this study demonstrates the feasibility of applying the system of international relations theory as the theoretical framework for explaining and revisionist policy in the foreign policy of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The main research question is whether the applicability of the system of international relations theory as the theoretical framework revisionist policy in the foreign policy of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in there? The answer is that the revisionist policy in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, systemic theory of international relations can be regarded as a proper model and theoretical framework. So this theory by taking an interactive process between the elements and components of the input, conversion and data as well as feedback from many capabilities in explaining Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's foreign policy is the policy of revisionism. One should always bear in mind that this theory also stays the exact same power. The capabilities of other theories of knowledge about the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran do not explain the totality.

One of the most difficult things in foreign policy analysis is to understand the way of creating foreign policy, in other words, the way of its shaping. This important phenomenon seems more difficult in China due to the complexity of the policy making process in the country, which caused many aspects of foreign policy, remained unknown to researchers. Perception of Chinese leaders regarding outside including foreign policy, is rarely affected by external forces. China's foreign policy in comparison with many other countries is mainly affected by internal processes within the power and decision-making structure. The internal factors are divided into two categories of material and perceptual-psychological factors. This article attempts to explain influence of perceptual-psychological one on the China’s foreign policy. Therefore, the article's approach is analytical-descriptive. In this article have been tried as much as possible besides referencing to each of these factors, the objective appearances of them in foreign policy of China and the weight of each of them in this process will also be mentioned. (Features of leaders, worldview of leaders, strategic culture, research institutes, media and public opinion have been considered as the factors have influence on the understanding and perception of China's leaders in foreign policy.