فصلنامه راهبرد
پیاپی 79 (تابستان 1395)

The current study examines the conflict between national security and civil liberties through preventive surveillance measures adopted by governments. Based on the theories related to the types of government, the preventive surveillance can be divided into two categories; namely, liberal and totalitarian. In maximum governments, there is no framework for preventive surveillance. In such states, undefined boundaries between national security and state security, state security and security of the ruling party as well as public and private spheres justify totalitarian preventive surveillance. On the other hand, in liberal states, freedom is one the components of security. Thus, security and freedom are considered as intertwined concepts. Based on above mentioned issues, the main challenge is the distance between the theoretical concept of freedom and its priority over state security and what exists in reality from the viewpoints of citizens, state and objective facts. Although in liberal states, surveillance is limited to crime prevention and exceptional circumstances, advancement in surveillance methods and technologies has changed the paradigm and preventive surveillance has penetrated different aspects of citizen's daily life. The public acceptance of surveillance motivated by populism as well as authoritie's tendency towards it, have intensified civil liberties violations. Generally speaking, despite the rise of new threats to security, liberal ideals regarding freedom and security have faded and preventive surveillance threats freedom rather than secures it.

Basically, the strategy of big emerging powers is interacting with their neighbors and regional powers to achieve the future goals and objectives. This assumption is important in the analysis of the ability of emerging powers and in predicting their future behavior. At the moment, there are many speculations about the future of China, especially if China's economy will surpass all important economies. The aim of this study is to describe this issue by examining China's multilateralist strategy in its relations with its neighbors, especially with Central Asian countries. The authors believe that the multilateralism of China in Central Asia is not a new approach and China has benefited from this strategy in the past in relations with its neighbors under the concept of Tian Xia, Si Yi doctrine (Defense through Barbarians) and Tributary Trade System. In order to prove or reject the hypothesis of the study, first, the concepts and principles of multilateralism will be defined and then classical and modern China's strategy in Central Asia will be analyzed by using a descriptive-analytical method.

D-8 group was established in the course of international developments after the Cold War by the proposal of Necmettin Erbakan.D-8 members̕ aim was to find their place in the Muslim world and international system at that time. In the early days, D-8 had a rather promising start. Nevertheless, after a fairly short period due to domestic political changes in the most of D-8 members and especially Turkey, the performance of this group declined. Since the mid-2000 Iran has tried once again to reactivate the D-8. This article tries to examine the best way to re- activate the D-8. It is suggested that D-8, equipped with an informal and flexible structure as it was in the early days of its establishment, pursing the aim of coordinating the positions taken by its members towards the problems of Muslim world and in international organizations, would be a more desirable and successful institution.

The aim of this research is to investigate the effect of organizational supervision by using an Islamic approach on administrative corruption in public organizations of Iran. This article is based on a correlation and descriptive research conducted by survey method. Study population consisted of all employees in public organizations of Iran and number of 3021 subjects were selected by using the two-stage cluster sampling. To analyze the data, descriptive and inferential statistics (correlation test of Pearson, and structural equation modeling) were used and the data were analyzed by SPSS and Amos softwares. Data gathering tool was a questionnaire of the organizational supervision relied upon an Islamic approach designed by the researcher using the standard questionnaire of administrative corruption. The findings of research showed that there was a significant negative relationship between organizational supervision relied upon an Islamic approach and its sub-variables such as divine supervision, self-supervision, public supervision, and managerial supervision with administrative corruption.

People, especially because of their need for security, comfort, and participation in the community need to communicate with the government. The trust of the citizens in the government's policies is an important thing for democratic systems. Most politicians seek to increase the quantity and quality of this trust to solve domestic and international problems with minimal costs. In most studies, political trust is measured by a complex of indicators in a survey, but there is no comparison between the indices. The basic question of this study is to assess differences between political trust in European countries and the Islamic Republic of Iran? In this article, we have tried to study the measures and compare them in developing and developed countries. For this purpose, during a descriptive- analytical study, a comparative measurement of political trust was earried out between European countries and the Islamic Republic of Iran. By reviewing the related literature, various indicators were extracted for measuring political trust. A comparasion showed that many countries consider economic and cultural factors for measuring political trust. However, in Iran, other considerations are taken into account. Developed countries incorporate economic issues and their cultural traditions in the measurement of political trust. In Iran, some variables are considered much more important including political and religious issues that are of interest for Iranian religious society. Thus, it can be concluded that a native model could be useful for trust evaluation.

According to the part III, paragraph "d" of Article 3 of the Duties and Powers of the Ministry of Petroleum Act approved in 1391, to attract domestic and foreign investments for development of hydrocarbon fields with the priority of shared fields through the design of new models, including partnership with local and foreign investors and contractors, without transferring ownership of oil and gas reservoirs and production standards have been considered as parts of duties and powers of Ministry of Petroleum. The evolution of upstream contracts in oil and gas industry shows that participation has four main forms: production sharing agreements (contracts) (PSA/C), profit sharing agreements, joint venture contracts (JVC) and join operation agreements (JOA). So the word (participation) which has been used in the Duties and Powers of the Ministry of Petroleum Act does not tell us which kind of participation is intended. Moreover, if we assume this word refers to production sharing, it will have contradiction with the illegality of transfer of ownership of oil and gas in reservoirs because the ownership of reservoirs is indirectly transferred to the foreign petroleum company through ownership of production over the wellhead or delivery points or exporting point. Moreover, it contradicts other rules such as the article 3 of amendment of petroleum law approved in 1390 and article 129 of Fifth Five Year Plan as well.

The third development program was implemented in the years 2000-2004. This program consists of three spheres: sectional, ultra sectional and implementation and supervision (including 26 chapters). The third development program was prepared by a reformist government by drawing upon experiences resulting from the first and second development programs. The most important goals of the 3rd development program are: reforms in bureaucracy and management, employment growth, reforms in taxes, privatization and high economic growth. The most important successes of the third development program are: creation of foreign currency reserves account, foreign investment growth, reform in currency system, reform and liberalization in financial markets, reform in budgeting system, favorable economic growth rate, paying attention aftertion to science, technology and IT and reform in bureaucracy and management. The most important failures of third development program are: increase in imports; slow increase in non-oil exports; increase in liquidity; high dependence of budget on oil revenue; slow and incomplete privatization; lack of targeted subsidies; non-reciept of taxes and low employment growth.

In explaining relationship between politics and future studies, three kinds of approach could be supposed. Future studies in the field of politics containing issues such as political development, foreign policy, and the Islamic world. The other approach studies the future from the prespective of politics. There are many resources in this regard in political studies, most of which are devoted to the issues such as government, political power, participation and the geopolitics of the future world. The third approach is political future studies which consider politics as a future- oriented science and assume that in fact the present and past politics, in the time being or in the future, contains some aspirations for tomorrow which could be realized in the present time or the stage could be set for their realization in the future. This article tries to explore the feasibility of political future studies, to explain some dimensions of political future studies, and to formulate some strategies to implement political future studies.

The advent of political marketing theory can be considered as a combination of marketing and policy knowledge. Accordingly, any changes or improvements in the fundamental concepts of marketing and policy science could be applied in political marketing. In recent years, one of the key challenges of marketing has been establishing long term relations with customers and their loyalty. Many studies in marketing literature have been done in this area, but almost none of them concentrated on the following question: how can a political party could establish a long-term relationship with citizens and make them loyal to the party? The purpose of this study is to provide a relational model for political marketing in the context of a long-term relationship with citizens (voters) based on trust and mutual commitment. Our research methodology is the content analysis of scientific documents in the fields of marketing and politics. In this study, we consider political marketing as a process. At first, current political marketing models were studied to show their weaknesses. Then, according to the new definition of marketing, value creation process applied in our model. Finally, the process of political socialization for creating a common political culture and a context for value definition (as the basis of the model) was explained. Political relational marketing through creating mutual commitment and trust between political organizations and voters, reduces the risk of voting and facilitates the voters’ decision making process and their loyalty.

Scientific vitality and dynamism is the most important factor of growth and excellence in the scientific centers. Sensitivity of this subject, lack of consensus in definition of “the phenomenon of scientific vitality and dynamism” and lack of a clear explanation of real examples and indicators of the favorable scientific vitality and dynamism in scientific and academic centers, led to this study that analyzed this phenomenon. Data were gathered in semi-structured interviews with 22 participants (12 graduate students and 10 professors of scientific board) by purposive sampling. Also, the Colizzi’s seven- step method was employed for information analysis. The theoretical saturation of data was obtained in fourteenth interview but in order to accreditation findings, it continued to the twenty-second interview. The results of this study were showed to the professors that participating in this research and the results were confirmed. Findings of this research represent reference definitions of “scientific vitality and dynamism” in 4 (individual, team, organizational and social) dimensions, indicators of scientific vitality and dynamism were explained from the systematic perspective to system elements for promoting the development of this phenomenon and moving in the scientific authority.