مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال دهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 57، بهار 1398)

In today’s world, political and civic education is a part of the process of political development and the most important mechanism for citizenship, which plays a key role in establishing national sovereignty and unity. The purpose of this study is to investigate the essence of political education, goals, and ultimately to find the mechanism and method of appropriate political education in Iran. The following paper seeks to answer these two main questions: 1. What is Political Education? 2. What are the goals, mechanisms and requirements for the method of political education in Iran? The paradigm of this research is qualitative. So in order to answer the first question in the framework of a phenomenological approach, by reviewing different perspectives, a general concept of political education is presented and then, in response to the second question, the method of analytic logic or transcendental analysis has been used. Findings of the research indicate that political education is a process by which the legitimacy of sovereignty, lawmaking, discourse, the improvement of life and human flourishing will be done. This requires the creation of democracy, the discourse and the public sphere, by providing individual conditions )1. familiarity with the method of reasoning or logic; 2. familiarity with legal literacy or constitution and citizenship rights) and social conditions )1. freedom of expression and belief; 2. A place to exchange views) in the shadow of education.

Strategy and structure-solving discourse in the realm of modern Islamic discourse is an alternative for revolutionary and conservative consolidation. It is an approach that removes the monopoly of the Islamic hidden capacities by moving towards pragmatic strategies and defines the religious epistemology and ontology by the conceptual interaction with external developments. Production of concepts and meaning system in modern Islamic discourse is influenced by the requirements and the situations of time and place. So, explanation of the idea of convergence in modern discourse is based on reason and it is considered historical. The idea of convergence by reducing militancy and embrace pluralism in modern Islamic discourse in discussion with pod discourse internal and external Meta-discourse are emphasized. Convergence as a modern Islamic discourse inter textual discussion with other discourses in common human geography Biological Muslim community with sustainable security and transcendental reflection with instability mentality leads to a result- oriented model and is constitutive of the religious life style.

Ernesto Laclau, the Post-Marxist theorist strives to re-examine problems of Marxism by implementing a Poststructuralist approach and developing discourse theory. Political subject is one of the issues which classic Marxism has always faced with and considering the social and political changes today it has become further complicated. Laclau uses discourse theory for defining and reviving political subject and identifies subject in discourse as “Subject Positions”. With antagonism among discourses and their dislocation the subject goes through an identity crisis and has no choice but to re-identify, and by doing so, the subject is reintroduced as “subject as the distance from undecidability to decision”. In the last step, Laclau’s Populism theory indicates formation of collective and truly political subject which is considered his most important theory. According to the results of this study, Laclau’s theory about subject as the distance from undecidability to decision is the most philosophical part of his theory which engages him in a dialogue with the prominent philosophers of the history and recreates the possibility of talking about subject.

Falling out of Saddam Hussain’s dictatorship, gave the opportunity for freedom of speech and media and subsequently the chance to Iran and Turkey to attract Iraqis public opinion. In such context, Media Diplomacy turned into a widely used tool for both Islamic Republic of Iran and AK Party to induce the mutual neighbor country’s political trends in the way that they desired. The Main Question in this article is: What are advantages of Iran and Turkey Media Diplomacy in Iraq in comparison to each other? For finding the answer, we have described the Media and think-tank contents and other related library sources, and after that analyzed the methods of Iran and Turkey Media Diplomacy in Iraq from 2003 to 2018 and eventually compared the two states’ methods. Regarding to methodology, this article is mainly based on Descriptive-Explanative method. At the last part of the article, we illustrated similarities and differences in Iran and Turkey Media Diplomacy towards Iraq and concluded Iran has the upper hand in Broadcasting, while Turkey is more successful in Entertainment Programs.

Iraq should be considered as one of the major centers of the crisis, political unrest and ideological confusion in the current era. From the Ba’ath impeachment period and Saddam Hussein’s totalitarianism until the occupation of this country by the United States in 2003 and eventually, ISIS’s security-political challenges in this country, Iraq have never been successful in Development and the development of the political system. After ISIL’s relative disintegration in Iraq, the issue that seems to be very important is the issue of reconstruction, development, integration and political development in this country. In this article, the authors seek to answer this question by using the David Easton’s Political Instability theory and the method of historical sociology )research method) try to answer this question how can analyzed the pervasive political instability in Iraq Between 2003 )the fall of Saddam Hussein) until 2018 (ISIS relative deterioration in Iraq)? The findings of the article shows that the Iraqi political system during this time can be likened to a political cycle. This cycle includes broad changes in the political community, the occurrence of widespread changes in the regime )rules), and ultimately, major changes in the authorities )the government). Therefore, widespread changes in this cycle caused the political instability in Iraq.

Nowadays the Jihadi Salafism is, for the first time in the history of international relations, an influential movement playing a notable role against the dominant order. Therefore one can confirm the presence of contemporary Jihadists within the international sphere as a threatening factor that must necessarily be well understood and studied in its various dimensions. In this research direction, we have to explain, through studying in what way they are playing a role in the international arena, how this radical and fundamentalist movements have become able to create a chain of conflicts and disorders. This question can be answered when we gained an understanding of the effective mechanisms in shaping the identity of this groups in the international arena. In this regard this paper explains that by what means “otherness making process” is the approach by which we can clarify the identity of these groups within the framework of contemporary international order. Specifically the paper describes the concept of otherness making in the later literature of international relations as a theoretical framework and a postmodern methodology by which one can analyze how contemporary jihadism works and gain power and identity. Then, on the basis of this, the paper examines how jihadist groups are seeking legitimacy for its acts against international order. Hopefully it helps the paper to provide us with a fresh insight into the logic of their presence on the international arena. Paper is divided in the following Sections: otherness making, Identity and Otherness, Islamic world as an absent identity in the International politics, Meaning of Otherness in the discourse of Salafism and jihadist, and the Interaction between Jihadist Groups and International Order based on otherness making.

Randall Schweller is a leading neoclassical realist who has paved the way for the revival of realism through criticizing the structuralist approach of neo-realism. Waltz, Walt, and Mearsheimer have been the major targets of his attacks. This article argues that his main added value to realism is to find a way to respond to internal divisions among realists and weak historical support for many of neo-realist propositions. Within this framework he enters into internal debates among realists about status quo versus revisionist states; explains non-formation of balancing behavior and balance of power in the course of history; pays attention to change in international system ignored by many realists; and rejects the objections against realists for not accounting for international institutions. By including domestic factors in his analysis, his work accounts for the emergence of revisionist states, dynamics of international system, and the significance (or insignificance) of international institutions within a theory of states’ interest and the resulting balance of interests in the international system. This theory can clarify the historical conditions in which realists’ claims can prove to be true. In order to give an account of Schweller’s theoretical endeavors to modify and revive realism, this article analyses his major works and shows that although he could account for inconsistences within realism, his own work with its own problems can add to internal divisions within realist camp.