فهرست مطالب

بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک - سال سیزدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 46، تابستان 1396)

فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک
سال سیزدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 46، تابستان 1396)

  • تاریخ انتشار: 1396/07/10
  • تعداد عناوین: 8
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  • دکترمحمدجعفر آجورلو، سید یحیی صفوی، محمدرضا کفاش جمشید صفحات 1-34
    در سالهای اخیر رویدادها، تحولات و رقابت ها در منطقه غرب آسیا روند سریع و پرشتابی به خود گرفته است. در این میان رقابت دو کشور مهم و تاثیرگذار منطقه یعنی ایران و ترکیه از مهمترین رقابت ها محسوب می شود و بی تردید در شکل گیری سرنوشت آینده منطقه به ویژه شرق مدیترانه نقش تعیین کننده ای خواهد داشت. با افزایش قدرت ترکیه در حوزه های مختلف و دخالت بیشتر و عمدتا مخرب این کشور در مسائل منطقه به ویژه شرق مدیترانه مانند بحران سوریه تحولات جاری نیز از شتاب بیشتری برخوردار شده است. در این میان پیامدهای افزایش قدرت منطقه ای ترکیه بر منافع ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران از جنبه امنیتی حائز اهمیت فراوانی هست و تقابل و تضاد منافع دو کشور را آشکارا به نمایش می گذارد. این مقاله سعی دارد به این سوال اساسی پاسخ دهد که افزایش قدرت منطقه ای ترکیه چه پیامدهای امنیتی بر منافع ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران در شرق مدیترانه دارد؟ در این مقاله از روش تحقیق توصیفی - تحلیلی استفاده شده و برای گردآوری اطلاعات از روش میدانی (پرسشنامه) و روش کتابخانه ای بهره گرفته شده است. نتایج و دستاوردهای این پژوهش نشان می دهد افزایش قدرت منطقه ای ترکیه در شرق مدیترانه در مقطع زمانی 2002 تا 2014م پیامدهای امنیتی مهمی مانند تضعیف الگو، کاهش نفوذ جمهوری اسلامی ایران، تغییر توازن قوا و تغییر ترتیبات امنیتی به ضرر جمهوری اسلامی ایران را به دنبال دارد.
    کلیدواژگان: ایران، ترکیه، پیامدهای امنیتی، شرق مدیترانه، قدرت منطقه ای، منافع ملی
  • زهرا احمدی پور *، عبدالوهاب خوجم لی، محمدرضا پورجعفر صفحات 35-66
    نمادها و چشم اندازهای شهری بازنمایی کننده جریان های فضایی سیاسی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی غالب در کالبد شهر هستند و عامل و نیروی غالب، شکل دهنده به نماد اصلی شهر خواهد بود. شهر تهران نیز از این قاعده مستثنی نیست. طبق پژوهش صورت گرفته گفتمان نظام سرمایه داری، عوامل اقتصادی و هرچه غربی و مدرن شدن سبک زندگی شهری و تغییر سلیقه شهروندان و اهداف سیاسی و اجتماعی بازیگران غالب شهری نظیر نهاد شهرداری و صدا و سیما نقش اصلی را در تغییر نماد شهری تهران از برج آزادی به برج میلاد بر عهده داشته اند. برج میلاد از مزیت قابلیت رویت گسترده برخوردار بوده و برآورده کننده نیازهای تجاری و اقتصادی شهر تهران می باشد و برج آزادی نیز با موقعیت گره ای عمده و قرار داشتن در کانون تحولات سیاسی-اجتماعی تاریخی معاصر جامعه ایران نقش سیاسی-اجتماعی پررنگی دارا است و می توان گفت این دو در عین بازنمایی کننده شکاف و گسل قدرت و اختلاف طبقاتی در جامعه مکمل نیازهای نشانهای و نمادین شهر تهران هستند. روش تحقیق مقاله توصیفی-تحلیلی بوده و توصیف و تحلیل کارکرد دو نماد آزادی و میلاد و تحلیل گفتمان های سیاسی-اجتماعی و اقتصادی شهر تهران اساس کار بوده است.
    کلیدواژگان: نماد، بازنمایی، برج آزادی، برج میلاد، تهران
  • عباس مصلی نژاد * صفحات 47-92
    خوداتکایی راهبردی را می توان به عنوان بخش اجتناب ناپذیر سیاست گذاری راهبردی کشورهایی دانست که در روند توسعه و نوسازی ملی قرار دارند. در سال های بعد از جنگ دوم جهانی کشورهایی توانستند موقعیت راهبردی و ژئوپلیتیکی خود را ارتقاء دهند که به نشانه هایی از خوداتکایی راهبردی دست یافته اند. در این زمینه، مدل توسعه با نشانه هایی از امنیت و سرمایه اجتماعی پیوند می یابد. حوزهسیاست گذاری راهبردی تلاش دارد تا موضوع مربوط به توسعه و نوسازی در کشورهای مختلف را بر اساس نشانه های خوداتکایی و سرمایه اجتماعی تبیین نماید. در این مقاله با رویکردی تبیینی و با استفاده از روش تحلیل داده و محتوا تلاش می شود ضمن تبیین ارتباط توسعه و امنیت، جایگاه خوداتکایی راهبردی و سرمایه اجتماعی در سیاست گذاری راهبردی با تاکید بر ایران مشخص شود. شایان توجه است که «خوداتکایی راهبردی» و «سرمایه اجتماعی» به عنوان متغیرهای مستقل محسوب شده و «توسعه و نوسازی ملی» متغیر وابسته این مطالعه هست. یافته ها بیانگر این است که اگر ضرورت های حکمرانی جهانی با نشانه هایی از حکمرانی خوب در کشورهای پیرامونی با یکدیگر پیوند یابد، زمینه برای تحقق اهدافی همانند خوداتکایی راهبردی به وجود می آید.
    کلیدواژگان: خوداتکایی راهبردی، سرمایه اجتماعی، سیاست گذاری توسعه، امنیت ملی، نظام جهانی
  • عبدالرضا فرجی راد، ریباز قربانی نژاد*، عبدالله مهربان صفحات 93-120
    پژوهش حاضر در پی بررسی تاثیراتجهانی شدن بر همگرایی منطقه ای در منطقه نوروز بوده و با طرح این سوال که جهانی شدن چه تاثیری بر همگرایی در این منطقه خواهد داشت؟ با فرض اینکه یکی از اساسی ترین ویژگی های همگرایی منطقه ای، فرهنگ مشترک بوده و نظریه های همگرایی نیز کم و بیش بر آن تاکید ورزیده و منطقه گرایی مقدمه ای برای جهانی شدن است، نوروز می تواند عامل اصلی همگرایی میان کشورهای این حوزه باشد. پژوهش با نگاهی به روند تحول جهانی شدن و منطقه گرایی و نظریه های موجود مبتنی بر فرهنگ و همگرایی در روابط بین الملل، و با بررسی حوزه جغرافیایی، فرهنگی و تمدنی نوروز و اشتراکات موجود میان کشورهای منطقه به این نتیجه رسید که در صورت تعریف درست و شفاف منطقه مزبور و ایجاد ساز و کارهای مناسب می توان در راستای ایجاد نوعی خاص از همگرایی فرهنگی، اقتصادی، سیاسی و اجتماعی گام برداشت، و موج گریزناپذیر جهانی شدن را در جهت مثبت همگرایی هدایت نموده و تاثیرات منفی آن را به حداقل رساند.
    کلیدواژگان: جهانی شدن، نوروز، منطقه گرایی، همگرایی فرهنگی، همگرایی اقتصادی، همگرایی سیاسی
  • فاطمه سادات میراحمدی* صفحات 121-150
    ژئوپلیتیک انتقادی در روند توسعه خود، تحولاتی را پشت سر گذاشته است و از تمرکز بر دیدگاه پساساختارگرایی و دغدغه های اولیه نسبت به عرصه رسمی کشورداری، و از تمرکز بر نقد و شالوده شکنی و گفتمان های استراتژیک تبدیل به حوزه ای برای در برگرفتن مسائل متعددی مانند جنگ، بازنمایی و غیره شده و پسوند های مختلفی از ژئوپلیتیک انتقادی ظهور یافته است. یکی از دیدگاه هایی که در دو دهه اخیر در مطالعات و تحلیل های ژئوپلیتیکی به کار گرفته شده است، دیدگاه پسااستعماگرایی است. با توجه به قابلیت-های فراوان دیدگاه پسااستعماری برای تحلیل بسیاری از مسائل جهان کنونی و به ویژه منطقه خاورمیانه، و نیز با توجه به خلا ادبیات در زبان فارسی در مورد چگونگی کاربرد دیدگاه پسااستعماری در تحلیل های ژئوپلیتیکی، مقاله حاضر با استفاده از روش توصیفی-تحلیلی به بررسی مهمترین کاربردهای دیدگاه پسااستعمارگرایی در تحلیل های ژئوپلیتیکی می پردازد. نتایج تحقیق نشان می دهد که دیدگاه پسااستعمارگرایی، به لحاظ نظری، چالش هایی را برای سنت ها و بینش های رشته جغرافیای سیاسی و نظریه های ژئوپلیتیکی که عمدتا بر اساس دیدگاه غربی هستند، به وجود آورده است. مهمترین کاربردهای دیدگاه پسااستعمارگرایی در تحلیل های ژئوپلیتیکی، نقد و تحلیل رویه شرق شناسی در دنیای کنونی؛ مباحث مربوط به ژئوپلیتیک فرودستی؛ مسئله جنگ و خشونت، و بیوپلیتیک است. در کل، دیدگاه پسااستعماری در ژئوپلیتیک، توجه خاصی به حکومت ها، گروه ها و انسان های فرودست و ضعیف در جهان کنونی دارد. این دیدگاه درد و رنج انسانی را در فضاهایی خاص به تصویر می کشد و تحلیلی انتقادی از تقاطع بین ژئوپلیتیک، بیوپلیتیک و ژئواکونومی ارائه می کند.
    کلیدواژگان: پسا استعمارگرایی، ژئوپلیتیک، شرق شناسی، فرودستی، جنگ، خشونت، بیوپلیتیک
  • مهدی ذوالفقاری*، بهادر غلامی، محمد مهدی احمدی معین صفحات 151-173
    مهم ترین عامل موثر در امر قانون گذاری و اداره کشورها، که بر اساس آن توسعه متوازن و پایدار قلمرو ملی تحقق پذیر خواهد بود، جغرافیا است. عاملی که کشورهای در حال توسعه و توسعه نیافته کمتر به آن توجه نموده و با انتخاب سیستم بسیط و تک ساخت که اکثرا ناسازگار با فضای جغرافیایی آنهاست، یکسان انگاری و یکسان سازی سرزمینی را در دستور کار خود قرار داده اند. جمهوری اسلامی ایران نیز با دارا بودن چنین سیستمی، تفاوت های فضایی- جغرافیایی را در مدیریت و قانون گذاری کشور تا حدودی نادیده انگاشته است. بر همین اساس این پژوهش با روش توصیفی – تحلیلی بر آن است تا به بررسی قانون گذاری جغرافیایی در ایران و ارائه پیشنهاداتی برای تحقق این امر پردازد. نتایج تحقیق نشان می دهد که ایران کشوری پهناور با تنوع و تفاوت های گسترده جغرافیایی است که این گوناگونی موجب شده، بر هر یک از بخش های کشور شرایط متفاوتی حکمفرما باشد. با این وجود قوانین مصوب در جمهوری اسلامی ایران همگی در سطح ملی تصویب شده و به رغم وجود ویژگی های جغرافیایی متنوع و مختلف کشور، برای همه مناطق کشور به طور یکسان به اجرا گذارده می شوند. این مسئله موجب شده بیشتر مناطق کشور که (به لحاظ شرایط خاص حاکم بر خود) همخوانی مناسبی با قوانین وضع شده در سطح ملی ندارند، از توسعه لازم برخوردار نگردیده و ضمن کاهش کارایی این قوانین در این مناطق، پتانسیل های بالای جغرافیایی مناطق مذکور مورد توجه و بهره برداری مناسب قرار نگیرد. در این پژوهش سعی شده است با اشاره به نقش پژوهش در قانون گذاری، لزوم توجه به این تفاوت ها و تعریف قوانین متناسب با شرایط حاکم بر هر یک از این مناطق را بررسی کنیم که ماحصل آن ضرورت توجه به قانون گذاری جغرافیایی هست که یکی از مباحث کاربردی و مهم در قانون گذاری و حکمرانی خوب است.
    کلیدواژگان: جغرافیا، فضا، قانون گذاری جغرافیایی، توسعه، عدالت جغرافیایی
  • پریسا کریمی، طهمورث غلامی * صفحات 174-201
    کردستان عراق از دهه 1990 و به ویژه پس از اشغال عراق در سال 2003، مورد توجه آمریکا قرار گرفت. هرچند در دوران جنگ سرد، کردهای عراق به شوروی نگاه داشتند اما از سال 2007، روسیه منطقه اقلیم کردستان عراق را به عنوان یک اولویت مورد توجه قرار داده است. با شروع بحران سوریه، کردهای این کشور به تدریج مورد توجه آمریکا و روسیه قرار گرفتند. توجه آمریکا و روسیه به کردهای عراق و سوریه، دارای پیامدهایی برای امنیت و منافع ایران است که بررسی آن را ضروری می کند. این نوشتار با استفاده از روش تطبیقی -مقایسه ای و نیز توصیفی - تحلیلی استدلال می کند که سیاست کردی آمریکا و روسیه در جهت بسط نفوذ آنها و نیز تضعیف رقبای دولتی و درون دولتی آنها به شمار می رود که در مواردی مقوم منافع و امنیت ایران است و در موارد دیگری چنین نیست.
    کلیدواژگان: کرد، آمریکا، روسیه، خاورمیانه، ایران
  • حسین مهدیان، علی علی حسینی *، علیرضا آقاحسینی صفحات 202-221
    این پژوهش در پی تبیین میزان و نوع تاثیرگذاری عوامل ژئوپلیتیکی ایران بر نگاه و رویکرد اتخاذی از سوی طرفین پرونده هسته ای ایران است. در همین راستا، تلاش گردیده، با رویکردی تلفیقی، بین «واقعیت های ژئوپلیتیک» کشور و نگاه و درک طرفین پرونده هسته ای، ارتباط برقرار شود. یافته های پژوهش (که فرضیات آن به صورت میدانی مورد ارزیابی قرار گرفته است)، نشان می دهد از منظر میزان تاثیرگذاری، عوامل ژئوکالچری بیشترین تاثیرگذاری را بر نگاه بازیگران موثر در پرونده هسته ای داشته اند و عوامل ژئواستراتژیکی، ژئواکونومیکی و هیدروپلیتیکی به ترتیب در رده های بعدی اثرگذاری قرار دارند. در بررسی نوع تاثیرگذاری بر «نگاه و رویکرد خودی» نیز، عوامل ژئوکالچری بالاترین اثرگذاری مثبت و عوامل ژئواکونومیکی نیز، بالاترین میزان اثرگذاری منفی را داشته اند. همچنین، در ارزیابی میزان تاثیرگذاری عوامل ژئوپلیتیکی ایران، بر «نگاه و رویکرد طرف مقابل (1+5)»، عوامل ژئوکالچری بالاترین اثرگذاری منفی وضعیت هیدروپلیتیک ایران کمترین اثرگذاری منفی را داشته است.
    کلیدواژگان: عوامل ژئوپلیتیک ایران، سیاست امنیت ملی، پرونده هسته ای ایران
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  • M.J. Ajorloo*, S.Y. Safavi, M.R. Kafashjamshid Pages 1-34
    Introduction In recent years, the speed of events, changes, and competitions has accelerated in West Asia. Meanwhile, the challenge between Iran and Turkey is one of the most important competitions which undoubtedly plays an important role in determining the future of the region, especially in the Eastern Mediterranean. With the power growth of Turkey in different aspects and its growing interference in the region especially in the Eastern Mediterranean such as Syria’s crisis has also accelerated the current transitions. Furthermore, consequences of increase in the regional power of Turkey on Iran’s national interests are so important from the security perspective which obviously represents the contrast and the confrontation of these two countries. In this article we are to examine security consequences and the impact of Turkey's regional power growth from 2002 to 2014 on Iran’s interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.
    Methodology By a descriptive-analytic approach as well as field research (using questionnaire), we have investigated the consequences of Turkey’s regional power increase on Iran’s interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.
    Findings The findings of this paper show that, all in all, under the AKP rule, Turkey has had a general increase in interior and exterior power and policy as well as economic and cultural power during 2002-2014. Meanwhile, in this period, the officials of the country have paid more attention to West Asia and tried to pose as an influential regional power. Moreover, the findings indicate that in recent years Turkey has paid special attention to the Eastern Mediterranean where Iran's national interests are absolutely vital and crucial. However, despite the fact that by 2014 Turkey has had considerable accomplishments on a large number of internal and external political, economic, cultural factors, from 2014 onwards, it has adopted an irresponsible and unconstructive approach in the role of a regional power in the context of violent conflicts and crises, and has become a source of insecurity and instability in the region. So, it gradually faces serious problems due to the mistakes in the dynamics of domestic and foreign policy. Intense security atmosphere in the country because of such mistakes has led Turkey to insecurity and instability.
    Analysis Analysis of the data is as follows: The respondent's response to items 67 to 72 to evaluate the role of Islamic Republic of Iran in the East Mediterranean shows that 62% of respondents believe that the increase in Turkey's regional power in Eastern Mediterranean has weakened Iran's power pattern. In contrast, 26% believe that such an increase in Turkey's power has not undermined Iran's position. Their response to items 73 to 75 to assess Iran's influence in the Eastern Mediterranean shows that 64% of respondents believe that Turkey's power increase in Eastern Mediterranean has reduced Iran's influence. In contrast, 25% of them believe that such an increase has not led to a decrease in Iran's influence. The respondent's response to items 76 to 80 to evaluate the role of Iran in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of the balance of power in the region shows that 75% of them believe that Turkey's rising power in the region has resulted in the detriment of the power balance of Iran, on the other hand, 15% dont believe in such an outcome. Their response to items 81 to 87 to assess Iran's role in the Eastern Mediterranean with respect to security arrangements in the region indicates that 65% of respondents believe that increase in Turkey's regional power has weakened Iran's position. On the contrary, 24% dont believe in such an idea.
    Conclusion The results of this research showed that Turkey's regional power increase in the Eastern Mediterranean from 2002 to 2014 has led to important security consequences against Iran such as a weakening pattern, decreasing in the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran, changing the balance of power, and changing Iran’s security preferences.
    Keywords: Iran, Turkey, Security consequences, the Eastern Mediterranean, Regional power, National Interests
  • Z. Ahmadipour*, A.V. Khojamlim., R Pourjafar Pages 35-66
    Intrduction Urban symbols are the most important elements that represent economic, social and political dominant forces in the urban and its changes due to the changes at this forces. The main symbols of the city must to be able to represent and delegate this forces. Otherwise functions gradually are replaced by other symbols or by building the new symbols. As they use the different symbols for the identifying, introducing and repressing itself in different periods. Tehran as a political capital of Iran do not excluded from this rules. So that in the contemporary periods we see the change of symbols in the Tehran from the Azadi tower to the Milad tower.
    Methodology Methodology of this paper is descriptive -analytic. Data gathering method is based on library, and field findings.
    Result and Discussion By looking at the list of advantages and shortcoming of Azadi and Milad Towers it can be understood that in terms of the weight of advantages the advantages Azadi tower is more.
    Comparative Table of shortcomings and Advantage of Milad and Azadi Towers
    Azadi Tower
    Milad Tower
    Advantage
    Shortcomings
    Strategic Visibility Ability
    Objection access
    node Function (the main communication center)
    Deficiency symptoms of identity
    Ness architectural features
    Inability role in the socio-political processes
    Political and social cognitive functioning
    Salience of economic performance (one-dimensional)
    Shortcomings
    Advantage
    Lack of visibility
    High Visibility (trace function)
    Changing attitudes in Tehran people
    Modern functions of Tower (representing the forces of capitalism)
    Economic and social transformation
    Political developments
    Municipal neglect and Broadcasting
    Conclusion According to the findings of the research, efforts that for building and institutionalization of Milad tower indirectly have been attempt for representation of economic factors, forces of capitalism system and western lifestyle and change the attitudes of citizens. From other view, these attempts are representing the power cracks and class difference between rich and medium classes of Iran. Azadi tower has been the symbol of attempts of Iran society for announcement and application of political, social and economic demands and Milad tower becomes the symbol of dominants capital system on the Tehran urban space. But these two towers largely show the shortages of Tehran in having a comprehensive symbol and in terms of function are the complementary and it worth that they should be iconized in accordance on behalf of two Organizations of Tehran Municipality and Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting.
    Keywords: Symbols, representation, Azadi Tower, Milad Tower, Tehran
  • A. Mosalanejhad* Pages 47-92
    Intrduction Strategic self-reliance can be considered as an inevitable part of strategic policymaking in countries that are in the course of national development and modernization. After World War II, some countries tried to improve their strategic and geopolitical positions and achieve some indications of self-reliance strategy. In this regard, the more social capital, the more security will increase. The characteristics of “Neoliberal Global System” is that the fields need to redefine the concepts of peace, development, security and national modernization provided by optimizing and enhancing social capital. Any social development and self-reliance needs social capital. In general, social capital should be required as part of the tangled networks of developing community. This process will be formed by optimizing the signs of endogenous development and national renovation. Many researches have been done in social capital notion which is a concept in economics, business, and sociology, policy and development strategy. The field of strategic policy making concentrates on the issues of development and modernization in various countries based on self-reliance and social capital definition.
    Methodology With an explanatory approach and using data and content analysis methods, the present paper, while explaining the relationship between development and security, tries to determine the position of strategic self-reliance and social capital in strategic policymaking, with emphasis on Iran. It is noteworthy that the “Strategic Self-reliance” and “Social Capital” be considered as independent variables, while “National Development Modernization” is considered as the dependent variable.
    Thus, the key question of this survey is based on following proposition: “On what process and symptoms, the policy of development and national modernization can be achieved in Iran and developing countries?
    In addition to the above question, other propositions can be considered as minor questions of this article as follows:- What is the impact of policy of strategic self-reliance on national modernization and development in Iran?
    - What is the impact and the role of social media in the formation of social capital?
    - What is the impact of multinational companies and economic institutions on strategic self-reliance and development process?
    - What will be the role and function of social institution in the process of development-oriented self-reliance?
    - In which path dose social capital lead to the improvement of strategic self-reliance in Iran?
    The hypothesis of this article is that: "Development process and national modernization in Iran and developing countries needs promotion of social capital and optimizing strategic self-reliance".
    Analyses Explaining the realities of development and national modernization in Iran and any country will not be possible without the formation of public policy. Part of the public policy can be in relation to the use of those mechanisms that provides required fields for maximizing social capital and optimizing strategic self-reliance. Any social development and self-reliance requires its social capital.
    Conclusion The findings indicate that if the necessities of global governance are linked with indications of good governance in the surrounding countries, it can pave the way for the realization of objectives such strategic self-reliance. Experiences of post-revolution indicate that migration on one hand has increased in GDP, and on the other hand, in this period has obviously increased in self-reliance and economic independence in institutes and global economy. Signs of such process should be analyzed in the mechanisms of dependent economic development. Dependent development has greater priority to global economy. The sanctions have revealed that whenever political economy of Iran is in conflict with international organizations, the country faces with difficulties in supplying the social needs of citizens.
    Keywords: Strategic Self-reliance, Social capital, Development Policy Making, National security, Global System
  • A.R. Farajirad, R. Ghorbaninejhad*, A.A. Mehraban Pages 93-120
    Introduction By looking at the thousands years of antiquity of Nowruz and its endurance during all the historical ups and downs imposed on this cradle of human civilization it can be stated that this cultural phenomenon roots in believes, ideologies and values of people living in this region of the world. Since 90s, the world witnessed the globalization phenomenon and a new wave of regional convergence based on cultural and economic commonalities. Most of these convergence and regionalisms lead to economic, political and social development and flourishment of certain regions. Despite significant capabilities, Nowruz cultural- geographical region has not accomplished this aim yet. Ideological and political challenges among regional countries, has lead the orientation of these countries toward one of the three main powers i.e., western, Russia or Islam world. In view of several convergence obstacles in Middle East and Islam world, and also Iran’s failure in absorbing the convergence of Islamic countries, Middle East and Persian Gulf countries, the necessity of redefining the relations with Nowruz-domain countries based on cultural diplomacy and convergence has gained a huge attention.
    Methodology This article is based on Analytical- Descriptive method, and data and information collection methods are generally based on Library method. Following data collection and classification, their analysis has been carried out using description based on thought, logic and reasoning.
    Findings The impacts of globalization on convergence enhancement within “Nowruz” cultural domain can be examined from three aspects:1. Cultural Impacts: One of the serious issues in novel diplomatic extent is concentration and draw on its cultural capabilities. Indeed, in this type of diplomacy, it is “Nowruz” cultural domain which may provide opportunities of collaboration among these countries, considering its civilized origin-from lands of Western China to Eastern Mesopotamia and Middle Asia. In view of importance and expansive cultural role of “Nowruz”, it can be considered as a cultural factor to apply cultural diplomacy along with regional convergences.
    First of all, with more than thousands years of antiquity in an expansive civilized domain, Nowruz has been always the point of attraction. In this way, the importance and the extent of influence of this celebration have made this common symbol popular across an expansive geographical extent, from Minor Asia, Middle Asia and even parts of India to Europe and Middle East. Moreover, despite numerous existing obstacles and challenges, numerous countries have determined it as the beginning of New Year. Second, the collaboration of region’s countries on internationally registering Nowruz in United Nations in recent years, presents the importance and high dignity of this ancient ritual. Third, it can be said that drawing on Nowruz diplomacy as leverage in foreign politics and the relations of the region’s countries, could practically have extensive contributions and benefits. In this way, on one hand profiting more of cultural and diplomatic potentials of Nowruz, may develop the cultural collaboration and influential effects of Nowruz-domain countries; Middle Asia, Caucasus and Western Asia. Fourth, Nowruz-pivot countries can increase their influential and communicative role in abroad. They can also emphasis on mitigating the divergence of views and collaboration obstacles and also prevention from divergence politics across region, by increasing the convergence among regional countries.
    2. Economic impacts: From economics point of view, the impact of globalization on Nowruz-pivot countries among certain global indicators such as the increase in quality among domestic goods, growth based on capabilities and region’s resources or at least indirect investment, optimal usage of resources and facilities, competition, welfare, life quality enhancement, decrease of government tenure and also the increase in privatization will become evident. The economic structure in Nowruz-pivot countries lacks dynamicity and flexibility, despite benefiting from potential conditions. As such, the most important factor of economic prosperity or enhancement of dignity within this domain in global economy is externalist vision with the aim of forming coherent and reliable bond with global economy and also the absorption of foreign investment and financing. In addition to change the insight of political elites and the process of decision-making in foreign policy and also their attention and focus on the importance of economic factors in the present era and provision or modification of legal structures, this crucial fact requires the activation of economic diplomacy.
    3. Security- political impacts: Globalization results in growth of knowledge and security indicators. Multipolar system resulted from globalization, helps the Nowruz-pivot countries to try to adapt their capabilities throughout the international system, without the domination of unipolarity or bipolarity. Nowruz-region countries could provide a strong back-up for their survival by supporting the public culture. In this case, not only won’t they be imperishable, but also they could strengthen themselves using communicative technologies; develop common ideas with governments of same level; and finally with the economic atmosphere dominated over the world, cooperate more in order to be impervious against threats.
    Analysis Regionalist view based on the definitions of regional convergence in the era of globalization, could be absolutely influential on social, economic, political and security development throughout the countries of a domain. Currently the convergence and regional streams in Middle East, Islam’s world, Arab world and Persian Gulf, each has defeated for several reasons. This failure presents the necessity of changing the view and also a new definition of region based on more fundamental commonalities. Rotating the orientation of each of the Nowruz-region countries from outside to inside (external to internal) and from off-access vicinity to nearby neighbors, considering linguistic, cultural, racial and historical roots, could bring about a valuable acquisition for mentioned regional countries. Multilateral and annual meetings, activation of cultural diplomacy system, setting up new year celebration in coordinated and simultaneous forms, students and professors exchange, establishing interactive university branches, focus on common literature and survival of “Nowruz “ elements such as “Amoo Nowruz” (Uncle Nowruz) and launching Multi language satellite channels, could play an effective role on the enhancement of common cultural elements.
    On the other hand, 400 million population of this region can act as an appropriate market for the products of every single country of this region. The assessment of economic needs based on cultural characteristics such as wearing culture, music, cinema, art, nutrition culture (food) and etc. can be influential in the promotion of domestic productions and consequently leads to economic development. Launching security system in the direction of war against terrorism, extremism, drug traffic, human traffic, security of borders and etc. could increase the regional security. Exclusion of passport requirement, organizing common travel tours to visit member countries, developing institutions and social networks, result in an enhancement of multilateral and social sciences. It can also cause cultural, racial and ideological suspicions be less prominent.
    Conclusions Based on diverse perspectives, it can be said that globalization and regionalism can have negative / positive mutual effects on each other. Since current research has examined the impacts of globalization on convergence enhancement in security, political, economic and cultural contexts across Nowruz-region countries, it can be said that globalization regardless of its few negative impacts can bring about positive impacts in mentioned contexts in the direction of convergence enhancement of Nowruz. Globalization pressure causes regional countries tend to have active role in the international field to cooperate with neighbor countries and gain benefits. Tools used in regionalism and commercial arrangements are similar to those of the process of globalization. Thus, the globalization in Nowruz region has provided an appropriate situation for economic development in this area. In other words, effective factors on economic convergence across the countries of a region include free trade, intra-region investment, process of specializing the productions from transnational firms and elimination of commercial obstacles and etc. Those factors can also be influential in economic globalization. One of the common characteristics of these two concepts is formation of competitive atmosphere among converged countries. Nowruz-region countries such as some of the third-world countries will not confront chaos and intense economic crisis. While in order to reach its specific position, global cooperation is required. Nowruz domain has a large underground resources and massive population. If we consider knowledge and information as the main element of globalized economy and wealth as human aptitude and intelligence, the possibility of entering this countries to the technology scene is based on open knowledge, and this region has this capability.
    Keywords: Globalization, Nowruz, Regionalism, Cultural Convergence, Economic Convergence, Political Convergence
  • F.S. Mirahmadi * Pages 121-150
    Introduction In its development, critical geopolitics have undergone many changes and turned into a filed covering various issues including war, culture, representation, identity, gender, resistance and etc. And now different Suffixes of critical geopolitics (such as postmodern geopolitics and feminist geopolitics) have emerged. Post-colonialism is amongst the views which have been recently highlighted in the field of critical geopolitics. Despite the fact that post-colonial studies are intrinsically geographical and political, few experts in the field of political geography have attended to post-colonialism. Considering that post-colonialism is effective to analyze most of the current world issues, the present article is aimed at studying the application of post-colonialism view in geopolitical analyses.
    Methodology This study is of theoretical-fundamental type with a descriptive-analytic research methodology. Given the nature of selected subject matter, required information was collected through library and internet research; meaning that the data were extracted from books and articles and then classified for more qualitative analysis.
    Results and Discussion Post-colonialism does not have a single origin; but consists of different reactions to colonialism and decolonialization which have inspired both liberalization contention and academic studies. However, the effect of postcolonial theory can be traced in works of some writers like Frantz Fanon, Subaltern group studies, Edward Said, Homi Bhabha and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Knowledge and power are included within in the heart of post-colonialism. Focusing on knowledge has led to thinking about methods which, in return, create geographical imagination of social worlds. This issue has highlighted that how people and societies understand themselves as well as their relations with each other.
    The most important applications of post-colonialism in geopolitical analyses were reviewed in the present article. Four main applications were identified: first, studying the orientalism view in the current world. In this regard, post-colonial studies review and criticize the role of realism in making of 'exception' and 'difference' in creation of identity. Post-colonial analyses indicate that orientalism is still alive in the policies pursued by the West for its re-domination of inferior countries. Second, using post-colonialism in studies related to Subaltern geopolitics, which analyzes marginalized issues and geopolitical and geographical imaginations of minorities who have been marginalized against the power. Third application of post-colonialism in geopolitics is in the analysis of war and violence. Such issues as pain and agony of civilians in current wars, and how wars are done and spaces through which wars are done, are discussed. Bio-political analysis can be considered as the last possible application of post-colonialism in geopolitics. In this regard security and political procedures of the West with regard to human life in specific spaces are discussed. Accordingly, security procedures of the West are not determined by "geopolitics" or "bio-politics" alone, but by a "toxic combination" of the both.
    Conclusion There has recently emerged a constructive interaction between geopolitical analyses and post-colonialism. Post-colonialism theory demonstrates the partiality of knowledge, especially which produced in colonial Europe. Findings of the present study showed that post-colonialism in geopolitics criticizes the role of realism in creation of 'exception' and 'difference'. Post-colonialism particularly focuses on Subaltern and weak states, groups and people in the current world. It also provides a critical analysis of the intersection among bio-politics, geopolitics and geo-economics. Given the current procedures of the world, post-colonialism is considered as a view that can be used for the analysis of many geopolitical issues.
    Keywords: Post-colonialism, Geopolitics, Orientalism, Subaltern, War, Violence, Bio-politics
  • M. Zolfaghari*, B. Gholami, M.M. Ahmadimoein Pages 151-173
    Introduction The importance of the geographical factor in political thought is to the extent that many thinkers have based their theories on it. Geographical experts, by examining the prodigious impact of geography conditions on human life, consider the factor of geography in political and social life as a very important and even cite the living conditions of communities as a result of such factors and circumstances. Geography plays a significant role in states territoriality; however, a clever use of it requires laws accordance with the geographical- spatial characteristics of national territories. Because this laws can have maximum efficiency and effectiveness when they are approval, monitored and enforced in accordance with the geography. Accordingly, this study is determined to examine the role of geography in the legislation, particularly in the Islamic Republic of Iran.
    Methodology This study is an applied research type which is done through a descriptive-analytic approach. Data collection has been done by using library and the internet findings and the material will be analyzed qualitatively.
    Result & Discussion For optimal space to be realized, each geographical space requires specific laws made in regard to its own characteristics. Therefore, legislation based on the spatial-geographic characteristics, regional differences and explanation of these differences in laws is called geographical legislation. The purpose of the application of geographical legislation is laws that in the process of writing, approval and implementation of them, the state's geographical features and differences in different areas in terms of natural, environmental, cultural, economic, political and social backgrounds are taken into account, and these are considered as the essential feature of the legislation. Hence it can be said that geographical legislation has close relation with political organization of space and spatial planning studies that the main aim is a balanced development of different parts of the country and drawing a road map for sustainable development.
    Reviewing the historical developments in Iran, especially in the current period, shows that legislation and management is not done on the basis of geography and spatial differences. One of the important issues in the geographic legislation is paying attention to the potentials and capacities of each area by guiding economic and cultural activities in order to take advantage of these benefits. Although parts of the country have diverse geographic- spatial abilities suitable for different activities, but lack of laws that lead to increased investment in these areas is leading to lesser-than-appropriate use of potentials and non-realization of geographic - spatial justice.
    Also, due to the absence of appropriate spatiality in state country which would be planned based on spatial-geographic characteristics, realization of geopolitical features and situation of the Islamic Republic of Iran has not been achieved. On the other hand, one of the main concerns of current regime is the establishment of full security across its territory to prevent terrorist acts and activities. This requires both suitable legislation and administration based on spatial-geographical differences of border areas of the country. For each of the regions, a specific strategy should be developed. Taking advantage of the geographical legislation, our security approach must change and acquire a modern structure. Because geographical space of the Islamic Republic of Iran is so vast that every area of the country requires its own management system, but unfortunately what is witnessed is centralized management practice.
    Conclusion The most important factors and sources of power exist in the geography of each country and most importantly, the geographical characteristics often play fundamental role in the formation of other elements of economic, political and military power. States which used this factor for the management, administration and control of their national territory have created necessary backgrounds for well-balanced economic development and geographical-spatial well-fare, and provided for the preservation and promotion of their national power and national security. Because basically every part of the national territory is due to natural and human factors and their interrelations considered a geographical space, it requires special management and legislation for optimal administration and development. The Islamic Republic of Iran is a state with different geographical areas with specific characteristics, each of these areas has a lot of potential and actual capacities that can lead to their flourish and bring about progress and balanced development across its’ territory. Geographical potentials of Iran’s national power has basically made our country eligible for becoming a regional and even global power. It should be noticed that proper laws and management and use of high-quality manpower can help this potential to be realized. But reflection of the centralized legislative and administrative approach on Iran's diverse geography has resulted different geographical areas to have identity, increasing in disregard to regional and local realities, and increasing in expenses, regional and local legal inefficiency which is in contrary to what we see in central part.
    Keywords: Geography, Space, Geographical legislation, Development, Geographical justice
  • P. Karimi, T. Gholami * Pages 174-201
    Introduction Since the 1990s and especially after the occupation of Iraq in 2003, Iraqi Kurdistan was highly considered by the U.S. Although during the Cold War, Iraqi Kurds saw the Soviet Union as ally, but since 2007, Russia has considered the Iraqi Kurdistan as a priority. With the onset of the crisis in Syria, the Syrian Kurds gradually attracted the attention of the U.S and Russia. The implications of the U.S and Russia’s attention to Iraqi and Syrian Kurds on Iran’s security and interests is so essential and deserves accurate investigation. This article by using the comparative and also analytical- descriptive methods argues that the U.S and Russia are intended to extend their influence and to undermine their governmental and the inter-government competitors. This policy, in some cases constitutes interests and security of Iran and in other cases it did not.
    Methodology This article utilizes the historical explanatory method to explain the evolution of the U.S and Russian Kurdish policy. Then, by using comparative and analytical-descriptive methods, compares the U.S and Russian policy towards Kurds issue, and their implications on Iran’s interests and security.
    Research findings Iran cannot be indifferent toward Russian and the U.S policy toward Kurds because of its Kurd population and also its considerable regional influence in the Middle East. The two great power’s policy are in some cases compatible with Iran’s national interests and in some cases are. By understanding the policies of the two countries it will be possible to minimize the negative effects of their policies.
    Conclusion Middle East’s Kurds are Iranian and belong to the territory of Iranian civilization. So, unlike Turkey, Iraq and Syria, the systematic opposition of central government with the Kurdish people has never been the case in Iran. Lack of historical confrontation with the Kurds is an important advantage for Iran to have constructive relations with the Kurds in Iraq and Syria and to minimize the negative impacts of cross-regional government’s Kurdish policies on herself. The U.S and Russia as two major international powers decided to have relations with Iraq and Syria and Iran should seek such relationships too. This assumption that as these countries are the U.S allies, they are no longer reliable and we cannot work with them are a mistake and a "self-limiting" choice. Due to the cultural and civilization similarities of Iraqi and Syrian Kurds with Iran, lack of any historical opposition between Iran and Kurds, or Iran’s denial of their identity, the Islamic Republic of Iran has the highest capacity and areas for interaction and cooperation with the Iraqi and Syrian Kurds.
    Keywords: Kurds, the U.S, Russia, the Middle East, Iran
  • H. Mahdian, A. Alihoseni *, A.R. Aghahoseini Pages 202-221
    Introduction From 2002, Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear program due to nuclear development, including uranium enrichment and its internationalization and increasing concerns and threats has been a top issue in Iran’s foreign policy and national security. This topic, in the governments of the eighth, ninth and tenth and eleventh, in accordance with domestic conditions and developments in the international environment has been associated with some ups and downs. In the meantime, one of the factors that affect nuclear program is the Iran's geopolitical characteristics. This study, by taking a different approach and within the framework of the "identity-based" theory (constructivism) reviews and analyzes the Iran's geopolitical components affecting the view of the Islamic Republic of Iran to herself and also view of the other side (the 3 3) related to Iran's nuclear program.
    Research Methodology This paper with regard to pivotal concept of "identity" of the theory of "constructivism" tries to understand the impact of Iran's geopolitical characteristics on the perspective and approach taken by both sides on the nuclear issue. Therefore, by analyzing geopolitical characteristics which help understand the Islamic Republic of Iran and the other sides discuss the nuclear issue. The data collection method is based on library and questionnaire findings.
    Results and Discussion At first, the impact of Iran’s geopolitical factors and features in the fields of: 1. Geo-strategic 2. Geo-culture, 3. Geo-economics and 4. Hydro-politics, has been evaluated and analyzed on formation of Iranians approach to themselves and consequently the Islamic Republic of Iran’s national security policy of the on the nuclear issue. To consider the impact of geopolitical factors on formation of the Iran’s approach to the case of nuclear, geo-cultural factors (cultural and religious factors) are the most effective with 29/8 percent and geo-strategic with 28.2 percent, geo-economic with 25.7 percent and hydro-political with 16.3 percent, are ranked in the next ranks. In considering influence of geopolitical factors of on understanding and national security policy in the nuclear case, Geo-cultural factors (religious and cultural Factors) with 28.5 percent have allocated the highest positive impact (in terms of the persuasiveness), and geo-strategic factors with 25.1 percent, hydro-political with 23.9 percent and geo-economic with 22.5 percent have a positive impact on national security policy on the nuclear issue.
    In the field of negative influence of geopolitical factors on the National Security policy, Hydro-Politic al factors with 19.3 percent has the lowest negative impact. But Iran's geo-economic factors with 37 percent, had the highest rate of negative impact, and geostrategic factors with 23.2 and geo-cultural factors and with 20.5 percent have been located in subsequent ranks the negative effects.
    In evaluating the impact of Islamic Republic of Iran’s geopolitical factors on negative perceptions and confrontational approach of the other side (members of 3 3, especially the US and the Western countries) over Iran's nuclear program, geo-culture factors with 30.1 percent allocated first rank the, and geostrategic factors with 27.9 percent, geo-economics factors with 25.8 percent and hydro-politic factors with 16.2 percent, are in the subsequent ranks in the negative impact on the other side view.
    Conclusion The results indicated that in terms of the impact, geo-cultural factors have the most influence on the approach of the players in the nuclear case. The geostrategic, economic and hydro-political factors are in the next ranks, respectively. Also, in the study of the type of influence and insider view and approach, geo-cultural factors have the highest positive impact and geo-economic factors have the most affection negatively. In assessing the impact of geopolitical factors, on the USA and European’s view and approach, geo-cultural factors have the highest negative impact and the Iran’s hydro-politics conditions have the lowest negative impact.
    Keywords: Iran's Geopolitical Factors, National Security Policy, Iran's Nuclear Program