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بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک - سال چهاردهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 50، تابستان 1397)

فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک
سال چهاردهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 50، تابستان 1397)

  • تاریخ انتشار: 1397/06/04
  • تعداد عناوین: 8
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  • ابراهیم رومینا *، محمد طاهر بیدار صفحات 1-20
    استراتژی های قدرت های بزرگ در مناطق ژئوپلیتیکی جهان تابع متغیرهای مختلفی است. این قدرت ها در تمام کره زمین به دنبال پایداری و حفظ برتری بوده و این روش را به واسطه ابزارهای مختلفی اعمال می نمایند. یکی از دلایل منابع و ریشه های پایداری قدرت های جهانی حضور و کنش آن ها در گستره جهانی و دخالت و تاثیرگذاری آن ها بر فرایندهای جهانی است. با پایان جنگ جهانی دوم ایالات متحده به عنوان قدرت تاثیرگذار جهانی مطرح شد. رقابت ایالات متحده با شوروی، شکل گیری بلوک های جهانی در دو مقیاس را در پی داشت. لذا دو قدرت شوروی و ایالات متحده به عنوان بازیگران جدید، استراتژی های ژئوپلیتیکی خود را پیگیری کردند. با خروج بریتانیا از شرق کانال سوئز در سال 1971، ایالات متحده بازیگر فعال در کنش های این بخش از جهان شد. کردستان به عنوان بخشی از این فضا، در بخش شمالی عراق تحت تاثیرجریان های قدرتی قرار گرفت. در این پژوهش تاثیرگذاری ایالات متحده و تداوم آن در دوره های بعد در ارتباط با کردستان شمال عراق مورد مطالعه قرار گرفته است. تا الگوی رفتاری یک قدرت بزرگ در یک منطقه ژئوپلیتیکی ویژه تحلیل گردد. ازاین رو پژوهش حاضر در تلاش است با روش تحلیلی و توصیفی به این سوال پاسخ دهد: که استراتژی آمریکا چه تاثیراتی بر تحولات کردستان عراق از سال 1971 تا 2014 داشته است؟نتایج پژوهش نشان می دهد که رابطه آمریکا با کردستان عراق از الگوی بی طرفی یا مداخله محدود در دوره جنگ سرد تا الگوی تعاملی پس از پایان جنگ سرد پیروی کرده است. استراتژی آمریکا در وضعیت بی طرفی اثرات متفاوتی بر توسعه سیاسی، اقتصادی و نظامی کردها داشته و در دوره تعاملی توسعه سیاسی، نظامی و اقتصادی کردها را در پی داشته است. این الگوی تعاملی، مسیر توسعه تعاملات همه جانبه یک قدرت بزرگ را در جنوب غرب آسیا از یک فضای میکرو فراهم کرده است. به گونه ای که بستر نوعی خودگردانی با اختیارات گسترده در شمال عراق را به​وجود آورده است.
    کلیدواژگان: ژئوپلیتیک، آمریکا، کردستان عراق _
  • زهرا احمدی پور، یونس رشیدی * صفحات 21-55
    حس مکان یکی از مفاهیم جغرافیایی است که در ژئوپلیتیک روزمره حضوری آشکار دارد. علاوه بر عوامل جغرافیایی عناصر روانشاسانه و عوامل اجتماعی مختلفی نیز در شکل گیری حس مکان نقش دارند. ترس یکی از عناصر روانشناسانه ای است که نه تنها برای تعریف حس مکان، بلکه جهت تحلیل کارکرد فضای جغرافیایی کاربرد دارد. به​عبارت دیگر، ترس یکی از عوامل بازتاب دهنده تاثیر جغرافیا در زندگی روزمره انسان است که خلق یک جغرافیای تخیلی به نام فضاهای ترس را در پی دارد. همه انسان ها به واسطه تجربه شخصی یا بازنمایی رسانه با فضاهای ترس آشنا هستند. یکی از رسانه هایی که در بازنمایی، بازتولید و بازتعریف فضاهای ترس نقش دارد سینما است. از نظر جغرافیایی، این بازنمایی ها که در موقعیت های گوناگون و با اهداف و کارکردهای متفاوتی صورت می پذیرند در شکل گیری ادراک فضایی و حس مکان انسان نسبت به فضا/مکان تاثیرگذار است. یکی از بحث های مهم در هر دوی جغرافیای انسانی انتقادی و ژئوپلیتیک انتقادی کارکرد بازنمایی ها و تصویرسازی های سینما از احساساتی نظیر امنیت، امید و ترس در فرآیندهای جغرافیایی است. مقاله حاضر با ارائه یک تحلیل ژئوپلیتیک از نقش سینما در بازنمایی "فضاهای ترس"، تاثیر این امر بر فرآیندهایژئوپلیتیک و فضایی را مورد بررسی قرار می​دهد.
    کلیدواژگان: رسانه، تصویرسازی، بازنمایی، ترس، فضاهای ترس _
  • حسین مختاری هشی * صفحات 56-82
    ژئوپلیتیک شامل سه عنصر جغرافیا، سیاست و قدرت است. اقتصاد از طرفی یکی از ابعاد فضای جغرافیایی و از طرف دیگر یکی از ابعاد قدرت است. ژئوپلیتیک به​طور ذاتی در دو عنصر از سه عنصر تشکیل​دهنده خود یعنی جغرافیا و قدرت با اقتصاد پیوند ​خورده و به آن توجه می نماید. بنابراین چنانچه اقتصاد با قدرت و سیاست پیوند بخورد و با جغرافیا نیز عجین شود، در حوزه ژئوپلیتیک قرار می​گیرد که در این صورت ژئواکونومی به عنوان بعد اقتصادی ژئوپلیتیک شکل می​گیرد که در زیر مجموعه جغرافیای سیاسی قرار دارد. اگرچه از قدیم استفاده از ابزارهای اقتصادی در سیاست وجود داشته ولی پس از جنگ سرد و جهانی​شدن که رویکردهای اقتصادی مورد توجه بیشتر قرار گرفتند، بحث ژئواکونومی نیز روزبه روز در سیاست​های داخلی و خارجی و به​عنوان یک روش نوین کشورداری مطرح شد. با وجود اینکه از نظر نسبت، ژئواکونومی شاخه​ای از ژئوپلیتیک است، ولی تفاوت هایی با آن دارد و بازیگران متعددی در آن درگیر می​شوند که بر پیچیدگی این رویکرد می افزاید. ابزارهای مورد استفاده در ژئواکونومی نیز علاوه بر تعدد و تنوع زیاد، عمدتا از نوع ابزارهای قدرت نرم بوده بر پیچیدگی نظام بین​الملل می​افزایند. در سیاست داخلی و امور کشورداری نیز توجه به این رویکرد موجب تقویت زیربناها و زیرساخت های قدرت ملی شده و به افزایش وزن ژئوپلیتیکی کشور کمک می​کند که این امر موجب تغییر رفتار و جایگاه کشور در نظام ژئوپلیتیک در راستای تحصیل منافع ملی می​شود. در خصوص ایران به​نظر می​رسد تحلیل مسائل کشور از دیدگاه ژئواکونومیک می​تواند موجب باز شدن زاویه جدید و واقع​بینانه​ای به فهم مسائل شده و راهکارها و راهبردهای تجویزی را بیش از پیش دقیق​تر و مفیدتر می نماید.
    کلیدواژگان: ژئواکونومی، ژئوپلیتیک، ایران
  • کیومرث یزدان پناه درو *، بهادر زارعی، رضا رحیمی صفحات 83-108
    منطقه ژئوپلیتیکی جنوب غرب آسیا که به واسطهنقش آفرینیقدرت های فرامنطقه​ای همواره درگیر تحولات فراوانی بوده است، در ماه های اخیر نیز شاهد تلاش هایی از سوی ایالات متحده آمریکا و کشورهای عربی هم پیمانانش در حاشیه خلیج فارس برایشکل دهی به یک ائتلاف نظامی عربی و ضد ایرانی بود. با توجه به افزایش تنش و درگیری میان ایران و عربستان سعودی، حمایت همه جانبه آمریکا از این کشور در تقابل با ایران و نیز افزایش تلاش هابرای شکل دهی به این ائتلاف،پژوهش حاضر بر آن شد تا با بهره گیری از تکنیک تحلیل اثرات متقاطع و استفاده از نظر کارشناسان به بررسی کیفیت و نقش عوامل ژئوپلیتیکی موثر بر تمایل آمریکا در شکل گیری این ائتلاف بپردازد و بر اساس نظریه هاینوواقع گرایی و الگوهای مختلف روابط ژئوپلیتیکی، نقش این قدرت را در این مسیر ارزیابی کند.
    در این پژوهش که با استفاده از نرم افزار میک مک و مدل دلفی نسبت به تحلیلیافته ها اقدام شد. نتایج به دست آمده نشان داد نقش آفرینی های آمریکا احتمال شکل گیری یک ائتلاف نظامی عربی و ضد ایرانی را در خلیج فارس افزایش داده است و این وضعیت در صورت استمرار امنیت ایران را در ابعاد مختلف به ویژه ابعاد اقتصادی و نظامی دچار مشکل خواهد کرد.
    کلیدواژگان: ژئوپلیتیک، ائتلاف نظامی، کشورهای عربی، جنوب غربآسیا، خلیج فارس _
  • اسکندر مرادی * صفحات 109-135
    جایگاه ژئواکونومیکی کرکوک در سطح ملی و منطقه ای، برای اقلیم کردستان و دولت فدرال عراق اهمیت ویژه ای دارد، دو عامل هویت خواهی بازیگران اصلی و امید به پایان محرومیت اقتصادی به ویژه پس از برگزاری همه پرسی در اقلیم کردستان عراق، مذاکره بر سرتقسیم فرصت ها در کرکوک را به منازعه بدل کرده است. در این پژوهش که با استفاده از روش سناریو نویسی و توصیفی- تحلیلی به رشته تحریر درآمده و روش گردآوری داده ها ی آن به شیوه کتابخانه ای است؛ از منظر «حکمرانی خوب» به دنبال پاسخ به این پرسش می​باشد که با توجه به نتیجه نرسیدن موضوع ماده140 قانون اساسی عراق، به وجود آمدن چالش ها میان اقلیم کردستان و دولت مرکزی، دخالت قدرت های منطقه ای و بین المللی در راستای منافع خویش و وجود بافت و ساختاربندی هویتی و نژادی در کرکوک، آیا تشکیل اقلیم مستقل کرکوک برای طرفین اختلاف، قابل قبول است؟ با توجه به وجود عوامل و موانع طرح شده در سوال برای شکل گیری عراقی یکپارچه و متمرکز و پرهیز از زیادتر شدن اختلافات داخلی و جنگ های مذهبی و قومی این نوع خودگردانی در چارچوب اقلیمی مستقل می تواند مفید و قابل قبول باشد.
    کلیدواژگان: حکمرانی خوب، کردستان عراق، کرکوک
  • عمران راستی * صفحات 136-167
    راس شمالی خلیج فارس، از جمله پهنه های دریایی در جهان است که تحدید حدود مرزهای دریایی و فلات قاره آن تاکنون تحت تاثیر دلایل و عوامل مختلف سیاسی، جغرافیایی، ژئوپلیتیکی، اقتصادی، فنی و حقوقی به سرانجام نرسیده است که مرز فلات قاره ایران و کویت از آن جمله است. در این میان پدیده سیاسی- فضایی «منطقه بی طرف/ تقسیم شده» بین کویت و عربستان به عنوان یکی از مواریث حضور و عملکرد بریتانیا در مرزبندی های خاورمیانه، از جمله پدیده هایی است که تاثیرات خاص خود را بر فرایند تحدید حدود مرزهای دریایی خلیج فارس داشته است. منطقه بی طرف طی توافقنامه 1965 و توافقنامه تکمیلی آن در 1969 بین عربستان و کویت تقسیم گردید. به​علاوه دو کشور عربستان و کویت در سال 2000 میلادی توافقنامه ای به امضا رساندند که مورد اعتراض ایران قرار گرفت. طی این توافق، دو کشور به اختلافاتشان بر سر مالکیت جزایر قاروه و ام المرادیم پایان دادند و مرز دریایی خود و همچنین حدود شمالی و جنوبی «محدوده توسعه مشترک» را در ورای دریای سرزمینی منطقه تقسیم شده تعیین و تحدید نمودند. پژوهش حاضر با رویکردی توصیفی – تحلیلی و با بهره گیری از اسناد، توافقنامه ها، منابع کتابخانه ای و اینترنتی به بررسی تاثیرات این پدیده سیاسی- فضایی بر فرایند تحدید حدود مرزهای دریایی در ضلع شمالی خلیج فارس پرداخته است. نتایج بررسی ها نشان می دهد که مواد توافقنامه های مربوط به تقسیم منطقه بی طرف و تعیین مرز دریایی نه تنها موانع موجود بر سر افراز مرز فلات قاره ایران و کویت و ایران و منطقه مزبور را مرتفع نساخته است بلکه بر پیچیده تر شدن آن نیز افزوده است. بنابراین مسئله تحدید حدود مرزهای دریایی و فلات قارهدر شمال خلیج فارس علاوه بر موارد اختلافی قبلی از جمله اختلاف بر سر منابع نفتی و گازی، عدم پذیرش خطوط مبدا و استفاده از برخی جزایر در ترسیم خط مبدا، با پیچیدگی ها و اختلافات جدیدی از جمله توافق کویت و عربستان بر سر بهره برداری مشترک از منابع بستر منطقه تقسیم شده مواجه شده است. در حال حاضر اگرچه ایران و دو کشور مقابل، اعتراضاتی نسبت به عملکرد همدیگر در این منطقه دارند و مواضع آنها در زمینه تحدید حدود مرز منطقه بی طرف یکسان نیست، اما طرفین بر حل و فصل این مسائل از طریق مذاکره و توافق تاکید دارند و می توان گفت ابزار دیپلماسی، تفاهم و همکاری کارآمدتر از آن است که نتواند گره های پیچیده و دشوار را بگشاید.
    کلیدواژگان: قلمروسازی، منطقه بی طرف- تقسیم شده، مرزهای دریایی، خلیج فارس، ایران، کویت
  • محمد مسرور *، محمد خانی صفحات 168-196
    این مقاله به دنبال بررسی چگونگی بازآرایی ژئوپلیتیکی منازعه دریای جنوبی چین و همچنین تبیین راهبردهای بازیگران اصلی آن است. چین با اتخاذ سیاست ابهام استراتژیک در تلاش است تا هم از ادعاهای سرزمینی خود پشتیبانی کند و هم روابط خود با کشورهای همسایه را مدیریت کند. در مقابل کشورهای همسایه تلاش کرده اند تا به​نحوی بر قدرت خود افزوده و موازنه قدرت را به نحوی در برابر توسعه طلبی های چین برقرار سازند. در این راستا کشورهای ساحلی اقدام به تقویت نیروی دریایی خود کرده، تلاش در جهت حل اختلافات درونی را در دستور کار قرار داده و نیز برای استفاده از چتر امنیتی قدرت های منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای به مذاکره پرداخته اند. آمریکا سیاست موازنه بدون مهار را در قبال چین در پیش گرفته است و تلاش می کند تا چین را در چارچوب نظم فعلی بین المللی هدایت کند. اینپژوهش به شیوه توصیفی تحلیلی و بر پایه مطالعات کتابخانه ای انجام شده است.
    کلیدواژگان: ژئوپلیتیک، بازموازنه، دریای جنوبی چین، چین، آمریکا
  • محمدرضا شهبازبگیان *، مارال صادقی صفحات 197-223
    با توجه به وابستگی نواحی شرقی کشور به منابع آب ورودی از کشور افغانستان، گزینه های روی میز مختلفی برای کاهش وابستگی این نواحی به منابع آب ورودی به کشور ارائه شده اند. همانند بسیاری از کشورهای دنیا به خصوص در خاورمیانه که با بحران آب مواجه می باشند، یکی از مهمترین این گزینه ها استفاده از فناوری شیرین سازی آب شور دریاها برای مرتفع ساختن مشکل کم آبی است. در این راستا با توجه به هزینه بالای این بسته سیاستی که معمولا مبتنی بر استفاده از انرژی الکتریسیته و به تبع آن سوخت های فسیلی می باشد و نیز آلودگی های زیست محیطی منتج از آن، استفاده از انرژی اتمی برای شیرین سازی آب دریا در کانون توجه ذی مدخلان مربوطه قرار گرفته است. با توجه به پتانسیل خوب کشور در استفاده از سواحل دریای عمان، به لحاظ اتصال به اقیانوس هند و نیز دارا بودن دانش و توانایی استفاده از انرژی اتمی، این بسته سیاستی از اهمیت استراتژیک بالایی برخوردار است. در این خصوص تحلیل الزامات و هزینه های بلند مدت اجرای بسته سیاستی مزبور از پنج نقطه نظر ظرفیت نیروگاه اتمی مورد نیاز، کیفیت آب مورد انتظار، فاصله تا مقصد مورد نظر برای انتقال آب، هزینه در دسترس بودن منابع انرژی برای انتقال آب و ملاحظات زیست محیطی بررسی و به منظور ارزیابی نهایی بسته سیاستی مزبور، الزامات، هزینه ها و اثربخشی آن با چهار بسته سیاستی دیگر شامل افزایش تاب آوری دشت سیستان به کاهش منابع آب، خرید آب از کشور افغانستان، سیاست تلفیقی از تاب آوری و راه اندازی آب شیرین کن اتمی و نهایتا ادامه وضعیت موجود تا سال 2050 میلادی با استفاده از توسعه یک مدل شبیه ساز سیستمی مورد مقایسه قرار گرفته است. نتایج حاکی از آن است که سیاست مبتنی بر راه اندازی آب شیرین کن اتمی در صورت تلفیق با سیاست افزایش تاب آوری در قالب سیاست تلفیقی، پایدارترین بسته سیاستی در کاهش وابستگی دشت سیستان به منابع آب ورودی به کشور و به تبع آن در کاهش وابستگی کشور به منابع آب ورودی از کشور افغانستان خواهد بود.
    کلیدواژگان: آب شیرین کن اتمی، دریای عمان، دشت سیستان، تابآوری، مذاکره _
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  • Ebrahim Roumina *, Mohammad TaherBidar Pages 1-20
    Introduction
    Strategies of great powers follow different variables. These powers are seeking stability and maintaining supremacy in all over the world and apply it through different tools. One of the reasons of sustainability sources and roots of universal powers is their presence and actions in global scope and, their interference and influence on global process. With the end of World War II, the US was raised as global effective power. Competition between the US and soviet led to form global blocks, in two scales. Therefore, two powers of soviet and the US as new players have followed geopolitical strategies. With departure of Britain from the east of Suez Canal in 1971, the US became active player in this part of the world. Iraqi Kurdistan as a part of this context was influenced by power currents. In this research the USA impact and its continuation in the next periods in relation to Iraqi Kurdistan have been studied, so that behavioral pattern of a great power in a geopolitical region is analyzed. Therefore, the current research aims at answering this question with a descriptive and analytical method what are the impacts of the US strategy on changes of Iraqi Kurdistan from 1971 to 2014?
    Methodology
    The current research is descriptive- analytic. Data gathering procedure is based on library findings. In the part of gathering from library sources (books, articles magazines, etc.) both internal and external sources have been used. Also in order to gather new data with respect to the relationship between the US and Iraqi Kurdistan reliable sites, which contain documents and action data of the US in Iraqi Kurdistan, have been referred. Since respective data was frequent and wide, information, which assessed research variables, was used and finally analyzed with qualitative method. Result and discussion: The relationships between the US and northern Iraqi Kurdistan from 1971 to the end of this research is divided into two discrete periods as follows:The first period: In this period the US actions in northern Iraqi Kurdistan had a pattern of limited and temporary intervention. With Britain decision for departing from the east of Suez Canal in 1971, the US was posed as substituted power. The relationship between the US and Kurdish people in this period followed several considerations: Regional considerations specially related to Iran, Turkey, and Arab countries;
    Relationships of part of Kurdish people in northern Iraq with Soviet Union;
    Baath government and intensifying challenging and controversial behaviors;
    USA focus on other geopolitical areas;
    Iran and Iraq regional wars. Regarding these issues, the US relationship with Kurdish people in northern Iraq did not have a wide pattern. This period continued until the Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait.
    The second period: In this period Kurdish people relationships entered a new phase influenced by regional changes. Over time the US relationship with Kurdistan in northern Iraq was developed. Collection of changes which influenced this process was as follows: Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait;
    USA and its allies invasion of Kuwait and Iraq (Desert Storm War);
    End of cold war;
    The US geopolitical focus on South West Asia;
    Forbidden flight area;
    Set. 11 attacks 2001;
    USA invasion of Iraq in 2003;
    Islamic state of the Levant and Iraq (ISIS). Influenced by these conditions, Iraqi Kurdistan relationships with the US were developed in three political, economical, and military security areas.
    Conclusion
    The result of the research showed that origin of Kurdish goals after World War II was focused on Kurdistan in northern Iraq and this idealism was against centralization of the Iraqi central government therefore, the highest stress among regional systems was applied against Kurdish people by the central government. From 1991 regarding global, regional, and local changes, Iraqi Kurdish people could obtain relative options in order to control settled space in Northern Iraq.
    A series of developments in northern Iraq show that local idealism relying on trans- regional force during several decades could achieve its goals relatively and success degree of this idealism depend on the function of future changes of the region, the tolerance level of counties with Kurdish populations in neighboring Iraq and Kurdish people and also trans- regional powers actions.
    Keywords: Geopolitics, the U.S, Iraqi Kurdistan.‎
  • Zahra Ahmadypour, Yunes Rashidi * Pages 21-55
    Intrduction:
    Sense of place is a geographical concept that shows its presence in everyday geopolitics. In addition to geographical factors, psychological and sociological elements help in shaping the sense of place. “Fear” as a psychological element not only can be used for defining sense of place, but also can help us in analyzing functions of geographical spaces/places. In other words, “fear” is one of the reflective factors in humans’ everyday life that could result in the creation of “Imaginative Geographies” that we know as “Spaces of Fear”.
    Methodology
    Through the use of a descriptive-analytical method and a critical analysis’ framework, this study intended to find how space and place is represented in cinema and what are the consequences of these representations for geographical space/place. Findins: Because of personal experiences or representations in media, most humans are familiar with the concept of spaces of fear. In this framework, cinema is a media that plays an important role in representation, (re)definition and (re)production of spaces of fear. From a geographical perspective, these representations occur in various situations and for different goals and functions and they can shape humans’ perceptions about space and place. Therefore, the effect of cinema on the representation and illustration of emotions such as hope, fear and even (in)security which always intervene in geographical processes has become the subject of important debates in both critical human geography and geopolitics.
    Analysis Representation of space in the media is a subject that interacts with human life. Parts of these actions focus on spatial feelings that shape the “Sense of Place”. Everyday experiences in geographical space/place most of the times combine with images that are depicted by media platforms such as cinema, TV and etc. and give meaning to these spatial feelings. So, we are witnessing attitudes which are products of desire, fear, security and hope and help create imaginative geographies like Spaces of Hope, Spaces of Security and spaces of fear. In this article our research concentrated on Spaces of Fear and showed that representations of geographical spaces could result in different consequences. On the one hand, geopolitical representations can be used by various powers, organizations and states for reaching certain aims like madding fear among enemies, propaganda and even satisfying people for acceptance of policies. On the other hand, these representations could be a tool for shaping resistance geopolitics and developing awareness among citizens about spatial processes in all around the world. In this framework cinema has a special role because it narrates stories that are very tangible and help manipulate human’s sense of place. In other words, representations of spaces of fear in cinema is a crucial concept that plays an important role in distinguishing borders between “us” and “others” or diminishing gaps between people, spaces and prospections.
    Conclusion
    In this article we present a geopolitical analysis of the role of cinema in the representation of spaces of fear and try to estimate its effects on geopolitical and spatial processes. Our research indicates that although representations in cinematic films like “Crash” and “Minority Report” sometimes try to expose negative points of spatial policies and otherness in geographical space, but in common cinema was unsuccessful in decrease gaps that help to produce “us” versus “others”. In other words, despite of the productive role of cinema in expanding knowledge among people, it helps in creating and spreading imaginative geographies that just create distance between “our spaces” and “other’s spaces”. In summary, geopolitical representations of spaces of fear of this type have mostly negative rather than positive effects on geographical spaces.
    Keywords: Media, Imagination, Representation, Cinema, Spaces of fear.‎
  • Hossein MokhtariHashi * Pages 56-82
    Intrduction:
    Geopolitics contains three elements of geography, politics and power. Economics on the one hand is one of the dimensions of the geographic space and on the other hand is one of the dimensions of power.Geopolitics is inherently linked to two elements of its three constituent elements, namely geography and power, with economics. Therefore, if the economics is tied up with power and politics, and with geography, it is placed in the sphere of geopolitics that in this case, geoeconomics is formed as economic dimension of geopolitics, which is located under Political Geography field.
    Methodology
    The research method is descriptive-analytic. Data collection is done in a library method and using internet resources, and the analysis has also been carried out qualitatively. Findings:
    Although the use of economic instruments in politics has long history, but after the Cold War and globalization, economic approaches became more prominent and geoeconomic matters are highlighted day by day in both domestic and foreign policies and also as a new method of governance. Although, in terms of relationship, geoeconomics is a sub-branch of geopolitics, but there are differences in between them. In geoeconomics there are several involving actors which complicates this approach than geopolitics. The instruments used in geoeconomics, in addition to a great variety, are mostly soft-power tools that causes more complexity in the international system.
    Conclusion
    Geoeconomics is a new approach to foreign and domestic policy and governance, which seeks to strengthen national infrastructure and infrastructure and help increase the geopolitical weight of the country which will change the country's position in the geopolitical system and consequently an increase in power to gain national interests. In the case of Iran, It seems that analyzing the country's problems from the point of view of geo-economics can open up a new and realistic perspective on issues. Also prescribed solutions and strategies from this point of view, are more accurate and useful.
    Keywords: Geoeconomics, Geopolitics, Iran
  • Qiuomars Yazdanpanah Dero*, Bahador Zaeri, Reza Rahimi Pages 83-108
    Introduction
    Although the past efforts of the states of the Southwest Asia for a comprehensive coalition against common threats failed to reach the goal, in May 2017, the Arabian states near Persian Gulf by the supports of the new president of the U.S resumed their endeavors to form an Arabian military coalition. The Americans stated that they follow these actions for development of democracy in the region. However, based on hegemony theory initially coined by Joseph Nye, global powers encourage some states to form coalition in order to seek their own interests by predomination over the target countries. Therefore, this is the possible coalition that may have many geopolitical aspects and also a plenty of political and security consequences for Iran and the geopolitical region of South East Asia. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate geopolitical factors of American interests in forming an Arabian military coalition in Persian Gulf and its effects on economic and military security of Islamic Republic of Iran.
    Methodology
    This research is applied and cross impact analysis as a method in future research is used. Using the cross impact analysis, we have taken the opinions of experts about the impacts of the components on each other. The opinions of the experts have been ranged from 0 to 3 for the components. Thus, the integrated position of each component is determined for the problem. The cross impact technique has helped us to discriminate impressive, effective, determinative, independent goal, dual, risk, and secondary variables from each other. This is for more precise analysis of the problem.
    Results and discussion
    The US during many decades continuously endeavored to be present in the Southwest Asia, particularly Persian Gulf. The state is looking for many economic, social, and even military interests in the region. Thus, the state spent huge costs for the presence in the region. Iran was able to increase its influence and hegemony on some countries of the region and make the states to follow similar policies in the region. Iran was also able to enforce resistance in the region. Thus, the US and its allies are afraid of the influence of Iran.
    They try to confederate with Arabian states of Persian Gulf and some other countries to form the Arabian military coalition to guarantee their interests in the region and enforce Zionism as well as to prevent development of geopolitical influence of Iran in the region. Therefore, the present research has attempted to assess the reasons of the interests of US for shaping the coalition. Applying the approach of hegemony theory, we have analyzed the role the US played in southwest Asia to shape an Arabian military coalition. Based on the theory, this is the global power that encourages some states to form military coalition, as this is the case for the Arabian states around the Persian Gulf. Such confederation and intervention can result in negative consequences for all the member states and also the security of the region.
    Conclusion
    According to the results of this research, increased power and geopolitical influence of Islamic Republic of Iran in the Southwest Asian region is one of the main concerns of US. Thus, the state makes any attempts to present the condition and weaken Iran. Another concern of the US in the region is decreased military power of Zionism. This made the US to keep its presence in the region and form a coalition in the framework of hegemony theory in order to provide its interests at the highest level. Addition to these two causes of American actions in the region, development of Islam religion and increase in global tendency towards the religion also concerned the state. The increased presence of American rivals including China and Russia in the region and their extensive economic and military activities in the region is considered as a threat by the USA. These issues have motivated the Americans to seek to form mandatory and stable coalitions in the region.
    This study has indicated that the main goals of the US in the region are increase in economic relations with the states of Southwest Asia, dominance over the geographical position of the region, political dominance over the heads of the Southwest Asian states, dominance over oil and other economic resources of the region, predomination on military bases in the Persian Gulf region, and making changes in life styles of people of the region. These goals are important for the country to provide long term interests of the global power in the region. Other components such as development of democracy in the region are not the goals of the US. In other words, development of democracy in the Southwest Asia which was stated by America as its goal in the region is not, in fact, the main goal of the state for formation of the coalition.
    Based on the findings, economic and military security of Iran is threatened by formation of the coalition. Thus, it is necessary for the diplomacy of Iran to make further efforts to mitigate the Iran-phobia in the region. In other words, as the formation of the Arabian military coalition can endanger the security and economic conditions of Iran, the government of Iran has to prevent the formation of the coalition and weaken its development. So, Iranian government has to make the world aware of its peaceful purposes and reduce the Irano-phobia among the countries of the region. Additionally, Iran has to make the neighboring states aware of the great damages this coalition may have for all the states of the region and the highest benefits of that for the Americans.
    Keywords: Geopolitics, Military alliance, Arab countries, Southwest Asia, Persian Gulf.‎
  • Eskandar Moradi * Pages 109-135
    Introduction
    Recently the terms "governance and good governance" are being increasingly used in humanities and social sciences literatures. Poor governance is being increasingly regarded as one of the root causes of all internal crises. Major critical geopoliticians and political scientists have increasingly focus on the conditions that reforms that insure "good governance" are undertaken and settle geopolitical disputations. This article tries to explain, as simply as possible, how the theory of "good governance" can settle the one of the long standing geopolitical dispute between ethnic groups in Kirkuk and local and federal government in Iraq.
    Methodology
    With a descriptive-analytic method and in the scenario planning method framework, this study is intended to find how the theory and approach of "good governance" its 8 major characteristics includes participatory, consensus oriented, transparency, accountability, inclusiveness, responsiveness, rule of law, efficiency and effectiveness can make compromise and settle religious and ethnical contestations in Kirkuk. Findings: The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes:1. Participation
    Participation of all ethnic and religious groups in Kirkuk is a key cornerstone of good governance. Participation could be either direct or through legitimate intermediate institutions or representatives. Participation need to be informed and organized. This means freedom of association and expression on the one hand and an organized civil society on the other hand.
    2. Transparency
    Transparency means that decisions taken and their enforcement are done in a manner that follows rules and regulations. It also means that information is freely available and directly accessible to those who will be affected by such decisions and their enforcement. It also means that enough information is provided and that it is provided in easily understandable forms and media. In the case of Kirkuk transparency means that decisions and their enforcement are done by all groups and information is freely available for them.
    3. Rule of law
    Good governance requires fair legal frameworks that are enforced impartially. It also requires full protection of human rights, particularly those of minorities. Impartial enforcement of laws requires an independent judiciary and an impartial and incorruptible police force.
    4. Responsiveness
    Good governance requires that institutions and processes try to serve all members of societies within a reasonable timeframe.
    5. Consensus oriented
    There are several actors and as many viewpoints in a given Kirkuk. Good governance requires mediation of the different interests in Kirkuk to reach a broad consensus in society on what is in the best interest of the whole community and how this can be achieved. It also requires a broad and long-term perspective on what is needed for sustainable stability and how to achieve the goals of such security. This can only result from an understanding of the historical, cultural and social contexts of all ethnic groups in Kirkuk.
    6. Equity and inclusiveness
    A society’s wellbeing depends on ensuring that all its members and groups feel that they have a stake in it and do not feel excluded from the mainstream of society. This requires all groups, but particularly the most vulnerable, have opportunities to improve or maintain their wellbeing.
    7. Effectiveness and efficiency
    Good governance means that processes and institutions produce results that meet the needs of society while making the best use of resources at their disposal. The concept of efficiency in the context of good governance also covers the sustainable use of natural resources and the protection of the environment.
    8. Accountability
    Accountability is a key requirement of good governance. Not only governmental institutions but also the private sector and civil society organizations must be accountable to the public and to their institutional stakeholders. Who is accountable to who varies depending on whether decisions or actions taken are internal or external to an organization or institution. In general an organization or an institution is accountable to those who will be affected by its decisions or actions. Accountability cannot be enforced without transparency and the rule of law.
    Analysis
    The concept of "governance" is not new. It is as old as human civilization. Governance means the process of decision-making and the process by which decisions are implemented (or not implemented). Governance can be used in several contexts such as corporate governance, international governance, national governance and local governance. Since governance is the process of decision making and the process by which decisions are implemented, an analysis of governance focuses on the formal and informal actors involved in decision-making and implementing the decisions made and the formal and informal structures that have been set in place to arrive at and implement the decision. Government is one of the actors engaged in governance. Other actors involved in governance vary depending on the level of government that is under discussion.
    In the case of Kirkuk the situation is much more complex. In Kirkuk good governance means all ethnic groups must play a role in decision making or in influencing the decision-making process. All actors other than government and the military are grouped together as part of the "civil society." Similarly, formal government structures are one means by which decisions are arrived at and implemented. At the national level (Iraq), informal decision-making structures, or informal advisors may exist. In Kirkuk, organized groups such as the "ethnic parties" may influence decision-making. In some areas of Kirkuk locally powerful families may make or influence decision-making.
    Conclusion
    From the above discussion it would be clear that good governance is an ideal which is difficult to achieve in its totality. Very few countries and societies have come close to achieving good governance in its totality. However, to ensure sustainable stability in Kirkuk, actions must be taken to work towards this ideal with the aim of making it a reality.
    Keywords: Good Governance, Kirkuk, Iraqi Kurdistan.
  • Omran Rasti * Pages 136-167
    Introduction
    The northern zone of the Persian Gulf is one of the world's maritime zones whose delimitation of maritime and continental shelf boundaries have remained unfinished due to various political, geographical, geopolitical, economical, technical and legal issues. In the meantime, the political / spatial phenomenon of the "neutral / divided zone" between Kuwait and Saudi Arabia as one of the heritages of Britain's presence and performance in the Middle East is one of the phenomena that have its particular impact on the process of delimiting the maritime boundaries of the Persian Gulf.
    Just in the 1960s, when the two countries of Iran and Kuwait were determined to delimit their continental shelf boundaries in the Persian Gulf, and were close to reaching a consensus, Kuwait was also negotiating with its other neighbor, Saudi Arabia to determine the "Neutral zone". Although the Iranian-Arabian attempts to delimit the continental shelf boundary of Iran and Kuwait did not achieve the desired result for a variety of reasons, including issues related to the "neutral / divided zone", on the western side of the Persian Gulf, Arabian-Arabian efforts of the two adjacent neighbors came to an end, and the neutral zone was divided between Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, in 1965 and its supplementary agreement in 1969.
    Methodology
    The present study is a descriptive-analytic research in terms of method. The various materials were collected using primary sources and documents, agreements, library and the Internet resources. In order to investigate the effects of the political-spatial phenomenon of the neutral / divided zone and the process of its evolution, documents related to the agreements and developments in this zone since 1922 (the year of the establishment of the neutral zone) were collected.
    Results and discussion
    The northern region of Persian Gulf is one of the maritime areas with few maritime boundary agreements. In this area, the maritime boundaries between Iran and Iraq, Iraq- Kuwait, Kuwait and Iran, Iran and the divided zone should be delimited. Also, the only agreed maritime boundary between Kuwait and Saudi Arabia is questioned by Iran. In this regard, completing the process of territoriality in this area, in addition to delimiting the aforementioned maritime boundaries requires agreements on two tree points (Iran, Kuwait and Iraq) and (Iran, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia).
    The two agreements on the division of the neutral zone not only did not remove the barriers to the delimitation of continental shelf boundaries of Iran-Kuwait and Iran- neutral/divided zone, but added to its complexity. In addition, an agreement was signed between Saudi Arabia and Kuwait in 2000, in which the two countries ended their disputes over the ownership of the Qaruh and Umm al-Maradim Islands, and their maritime boundary, as well as the northern and southern limits of the "Common Development Area" was delimited. Besides, the two countries have agreed that the natural resources in the submerged area adjacent to the divided zone shall be owned in common. This agreement was challenged by Iran.
    Therefore, the process of the delimitation of the maritime boundaries in the north of the Persian Gulf, in addition to the previous disagreements, including disputes on oil and gas fields, the refusal of the baselines and the use of some islands in the drawing of the straight baseline, are faced with complexities and new disputes as a result of the articles of Agreements between Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Among the disputes to be noted, is the agreement between the two countries of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait on joint ownership and exploitation of natural resources in the submerged area adjacent to the divided zone.
    Currently, although Iran and the two other countries have protests over the operation of each other in this region and their positions on the delimitation of maritime boundaries of the divided zone are not the same, the parties emphasize the resolution of these issues through negotiation and agreement, and it can be said that the instrument of diplomacy, understanding and cooperation is efficient enough to solve such complex problems.
    Conclusion
    The emergence of the spatial-political phenomenon of neutral zone was a product of the territoriality process and the British politics and power with geopolitical goals. But this phenomenon and related issues, including its oil reserves and islands that were subject to dispute between Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, as well as the evolution of this zone affected by the Agreement on the partition of the Neutral Zone (1965) and the Supplementary Agreement (1969) and the Kuwait/ Saudi Arabia Agreement concerning the submerged area adjacent to the divided zone(2000) have mutually influenced the political-legal process of delimiting the maritime boundaries of the north of the Persian Gulf, in general, and the delimitation of the Iranian-Kuwaiti maritime boundary, in particular. Issues and disputes surrounding the region, although resolved on the western side and between adjacent neighboring countries, have complicated the process of delimiting the maritime boundaries in this region with the opposite neighboring country "Iran". In particular, now that both Kuwait and Saudi Arabia have agreed on joint ownership and exploitation of natural resources in the submerged area adjacent to the divided zone and act as a single negotiating party, it is in contradiction with Iran's position that seeks to delimit its maritime boundaries with the divided zone, separately with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. One of the most important results of the agreements is that at present, claimants of offshore resources between Iran and the divided zone have increased to three countries. The two countries, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, have adopted a joint development and exploitation policy, as well as in official correspondence and protests that have been registered between 2011 and 2017, as a single negotiating party.
    Consequently, although the divisions of the neutral zone and agreement between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the State of Kuwait concerning the submerged area adjacent to the divided zone have brought about a new complexity in the process of delimiting boundaries in this region, since related parties still emphasize the tools of negotiation and diplomacy in delimiting maritime borders, and there are five decades of negotiation between Kuwait and Iran on the delimitation of maritime boundaries that have come about with good agreements and understandings, the experiences of these and other countries in settling disputes over shared resources can all serve to reach agreement and delimit the maritime boundaries in this region.
    Keywords: Territoriality, Neutral, Divided Zone, Maritime Boundaries, Persian Gulf, Iran, Kuwait
  • Mohammad Masroor *, mohammad khani Pages 168-196
    Introduction
    The conflict in the South China Sea has made this part of the continent of Asia one of the most sensitive geopolitical regions of the world in recent years. In the first two decades of the twenty-first century, the regional and trans-regional powers' alignment gradually has taken new dimensions and has made it the focal point for Geopolitical faults of the post-Cold War transition era. The South Sea of China has become a major concern for international security over recent years due to tensions. In addition to having offshore resources and the oil and gas reserves, the region is one of the most important shipping and international trade routes that thousands of ships cross it every year.
    Methodology
    The method of research is descriptive-analytic and library documents and information has been used in writing articles. Also efforts have been made to use the latest available resources in light of the ongoing nature of the issue and its many changes. Findings: The most important findings of this research are:1- special location of the South China Sea
    The South China Sea has a unique geopolitical location in the East Asian region; so that in addition to containing rich resources of fisheries, oil and gas, is one of the most important international routes. More than 70,000 ships cross the region annually, with more than 660 million tons of goods transported on the shores of China alone. More than 17 million barrels of oil per day flow through the Straits of Malacca, which is roughly 7 times the Suez Canal and 17 times the Panama Canal.
    2- China's "strategic ambiguity" strategy in the South China Sea conflict
    China's strategic ambiguity strategy seeks to simultaneously foster the economic interests of China from international trade with its neighbors and global markets as a major asset to its foreign policy, and preserve its vital interests in protecting its land and sovereignty.
    3- America's "Balancing Without Containment" Strategy vs. China
    The United States has put policy of rebalancing China to maintain the American ruling system in the Asia-Pacific region. The United States has put China's retrogressive policy in place to maintain the American order governing the Asia-Pacific region. The strengthening of alliances and the expansion of US strategic partnerships with regional countries such as Japan, Australia, South Korea, Thailand, Taiwan, Singapore, New Zealand, India and Indonesia have been considered as strategic partners in the region for this purpose. On the other hand, since China is a normal player in the economic field, and the United States is heavily dependent on global capitalist relations, the United States does not intend to contain this country.
    4- Role playing of regional powers and coastal states between the two great powers
    Many countries in the region are economically dependent on China, but at the same time they have not forgotten their security concerns about Beijing's growing growth. Thus, while they have the most economic cooperation with China, they are joining the United States in the security dimension and are trying to support their own interests against China's advancements by helping to create a US security umbrella in the region. As a result, the presence of the United States in the region as a regulator has been easily accepted.
    Conclusion
    With regard to the South China Sea, the United States seeks in the first stage to ensure China's adherence to existing international law, such as sea rights and the freedom of trade, and has explicitly stated this, and balancing with China is in the second phase. The Americans have mobilized the periphery and regional powers to establish coalitions and alliances or have renewed the old treaties to balance against China. China, from the other hand, is trying to reach bilateral agreements with its peripheral countries, separating them from the United States alliance queue and, accordingly, ruling the Chinese order over the region.
    Keywords: Geopolitics, Rebalance, South China Sea, China, the U.S
  • Mohammadreza Shahbazbegian *, Maral Sadeghi Pages 197-223
    Introduction
    Due to the dependence of the eastern part of the country on the water supplying from Afghanistan, various options on the table have been proposed to reduce the dependence of these areas on entered trans-boundary water resources. As with many countries in the world, especially in the Middle East, faced with a water crisis, one of the most important options is the use of seawater salt desalination technology to address the problem of water shortage. In this regard, given the high cost of this policy package, which is usually based on the use of electric energy and consequently fossil fuels, as well as resulting in environmental pollution, the use of atomic energy for sea water desalination is in the spotlight of the relevant customers. In that occasion, considering the country's high potential for using the Oman Sea coast, due to its connection to the Indian Ocean and the country’s knowledge and ability to use atomic energy, this policy package is of great strategic importance.
    Methodology
    In this regard, analysis of long term requirements and costs of implementing the policy option from five viewpoints including atomic nuclear capacity, expected water quality, distance to desired destination for water transferring the cost of required energy and finally environmental regards have been dealt with. Then to evaluation the policy option in compare to four other policy options as rival options, based on increasing resilience, buying water from Afghanistan, integrated policy consisting of increasing resilience and lunching nuclear water desalination and finally business as usual until 2050 , the same process has been adopted through a given system simulation model.
    Conclusion
    The results indicate that the policy option based on setting up a nuclear water desalination system in combination with that of increasing resilience in the form of the integrated policy will be the most stable policy package in reducing the dependence of Sistan plain on the water resources entered from the country and, consequently will reduce the dependency of the country on water resources emanating from Afghanistan.
    Keywords: Nuclear water desalination, Oman Sea, Sistan plain, Resilience, Negotiation