فصلنامه روابط خارجی
پیاپی 22 (تابستان 1393)

While during the last few decades developed countries were the main buyers of Iranian export items، in the last couple of years، the developing countries have become the primary destination of Iranian exports. It can be argued that a strategic shift has occurred in the Iranian export orientation. To understand the reasons for such a reorientation is of importance. The aim of this research is to study the impact of international trends on the Iranian export orientation with the emphasis on non-oil exports. The primary question of this study is: what factors have contributed to change in Iran’s export orientation? The hypothesis posed in response to the question is that: the trend of power transition in the international political economy and the intensification of the West’s sanctions against Iran constitute key factors in the change. Having analyzed Iran’s export data، the authors argue that a shift has occurred in the orientation of Iranian export. They have discussed the rise of emerging powers in the international political economy as well as escalating tension between Iran and the West (manifested in international sanctions) as the two main factors that have contributed to this reorientation. In their point of view، change in Iran’s export orientation is probably permanent leaving an important effect on the geopolitical and geo-economic status of Iran.

Following clashes between governmental forces, Salafis and Syria's Kurds and the intensification and extension of internal crisis in Syria (2011-1013), the role and approach of Syria's Kurds in the political equations of this country have been attracted much attention. At the present time, Syria's Kurds have gained the political and administrative control of most Kurdish regions in Syria and seek their freedom and civil rights in the framework of two movements, "the Kurdish National Council" and " the People's Council of Western Kurdish". However, examining the objectivity of Kurd's demands given their capacities and difficulties is of great importance. The fact is that during the years followed 2003 which witnessed the consolidation of Iraqi Kurd's status in the political structure of Iraq; Syria's Kurds put forward their demands much more vehemently. However, there are a range of internal, regional and international problems on the way of the realization of their demands regarding having autonomy to manage their local affairs or creating a federal region. These regional complexities and international imperatives have now turned the issue of Kurds into a complicated problem. This article tries to study the possible solutions for this problem and focusses on the question that given the combination of potentials and hardware and software difficulties, what is the best option for Syria's Kurds: integration, autonomy or independence? Naturally, processing and testing of each scenario require an appropriate model and various new dates. For this reason, we use " the model of weighing ethnic minorities" to test the hypothesis that "hardware and software capacity of Syria's Kurds along with the security considerations of powers involved in Syria's affairs have created an obstacle against their independence and have undermined the possibility of their autonomy leaving no choice for them but to integrate into the Syrian Arab Republic.

In 2012, alongside the negotiations on Iran's nuclear program, special media attention was paid to a Fatwa (religious decree) issued by Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, Leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, banning all weapons of mass destruction (WMD), nuclear weapons in particular. This study addresses some misunderstandings and erroneous claims about the Fatwa. Its aim is to provide accurate and clear information and to investigate why the Fatwa was issued, its importance, credibility, relevance and relationship to international law. The latter is achieved through examining the Fatwa's legal concordance with international principles regarding nuclear weapons non-proliferation and disarmament, as embodied in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In addition to providing sources and texts of the Fatwa, the study pays special attention to its logical consistency and solid historical roots. The Fatwa elaborates and confirms Iran’s commitment regarding WMD ban, on the one hand, and Iran's insistence on its NPT right to peaceful uses of nuclear technology, on the other. It is concluded that the commitment undertaken by Iran via the Fatwa, is, in some important respects, more comprehensive and more long-lasting than that Iran has undertaken under the NPT.

This article aims to study the foundation of developments in Egypt's foreign policy. Since the Second World War, Egypt's foreign policy has experienced four periods with their own specific bases, foundations and goals each requiring separate consideration. The domination of different identity elements in different elements in different periods has led to evident differences in Egypt's foreign policy. Pan-Arabism in Jamal Abdel Nasser's period, Patriotism in Sadat; era, dual identity during Mubarak's rule, and finally the Islamic identity of Morsi government, each gave a different conceptual framework and worldview to Egyptian decision-makers in the realm of foreign policy making it a varied phenomenon. The importance of this debate, in addition to its explanatory value, lies in providing a framework for studying the future developments of Egypt's foreign policy and beyond those other Arab states. This article tries to answer the pivotal question that why during these four main periods of Egypt's foreign policy, some determining events have made these four periods different in terms of goals, means and approaches to outside world. Its hypothesis is that changing identity is the basis of transformation in foreign policy and any change in identity at the level of ruling elite brings about change in Egypt's foreign policy.

Geneva accord was a turning point in Iranian foreign policy in general, and in dispute over Iran's nuclear program, in particular. This accord which concluded in a short time following the coming to power of Rohani's government, has changed international atmosphere in favor of Iran and showed the political will of the new Iranian government for constructively interacting with the outside world. Although, this interim agreement suffers from some flaws, its positive effects in domestic and international scenes have been significant. This article tries to answer the question that "what has been the effect of Geneva accord on sanctions imposed against Iran?" In the author's opinion, Geneva accord or joint plan of action (JPA) has influenced sanctions, specifically at four levels: as the essence of sanctions: a) implementing Geneva accord has directly alleviated sanctions; b) the atmosphere of sanctions: this plan has undermined the international atmosphere of sanctions and paved the way for de-securitizing Iran's nuclear program; c) sanctions enforces: Geneva accord has, to some extent, prompted division among Iran's sanctions enforces and caused some shifts in the proponents and opponents of sanctions; d) the goals of sanctions: the JPA has exposed differences over the goals of sanctions. These goals include a wide range of options from dismantling Iran's nuclear program to the transparency and constraining it.

Many Islamic movements have been formed after the transformation of Islamic countries from imperial system into nation-states. These movements have been established by thinkers and politicians intending to improve the situation of Muslims by changing domestic and foreign policies. With a historical glance to Islamic movements, they can be studied in the form of four waves. It is worth noting that these four waves of Islamic movements began their political and social activities with much enthusiasm, coherent thought and strong faith, but they gradually lose their initial vitality. With an emphasis on four reforming, critical, radical and civil waves of Islamic movements during the last century, this article tries to assess domestic and foreign conditions, strategies and policy-makings by using an intellectual methodology to conclude that the most of these waves have proceeded from spring to fall and they most often failed in encountering hard situations brought about by internal and foreign forces due to the lack of a clear program.

To assess the foreign relations of any country, appropriate understanding and explaining of the national power particularly in areas as foreign policy, requirements and characteristics of the foreign environment, rules and paradigms dominant on regional and international environment, and recognizing opportunities, environmental weaknesses and existing threats etc. are necessary. African continent with its specific geographical, economic, cultural and political features in the Post-Cold War era and in light of the expansion of regionalism has turned into one of the most influential regions in which South Africa plays a key role. This paper, while reviewing the history of Iran’s relations with African continent, tries to show the importance of relations between South Africa and Iran and its probable results. The hypothesis of the present article is that expanding relations with regional as well as emerging powers in addition to increasing national interests and strengthening south-south co-operation lead to reducing the pressures by international and western authorities. The methodology of the research is descriptive-analytic. Also, it draws upon the findings of SWOT matrix (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats). This matrix enables us to investigate the strengths and weaknesses of Islamic Republic of Iran as well as the opportunities and threats of the relations with South Africa to provide solutions for policy-makers in cultural, economic, political and social arenas.