فصلنامه روابط خارجی
پیاپی 9 (بهار 1390)

Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979, different theories have been used by scholar to explain the nature, process and behavior of Iran’s foreign policy. In the author’s view, conventional theories in international relations and foreign policy analysis cannot explain the foreign policy behavior of the Islamic Republic. In his analysis, the failure stems on the one hand, from the context–bound nature of conventional foreign policy theories, and on the other, from the peculiar Islamic identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, an adequate explanation of the foreign policy of an Islamic state requires a different theoretical approach anchored on the nature and identity of that state. This article tries to explore into an “Islamic theory for foreign policy” capable of adequately explaining the foreign policy behavior of an Islamic state, and for the case at hand, that of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In the current international system, foreign policy is a subsystem of nation's internal structures. Thus, foreign policy is not considered as an independent variable. In the last three decades, foreign policy has evolved as an effective instrument to expand national wealth. This development has proved instrumental in both developed and developing countries. Power of nations is no longer measured in terms of territory they command but rather the capacity to produce wealth through, among others, increasing GDP and exports. In this respect, China represents an excellent example. Through reliance on rapid, sustained economic growth, creation of wealth, and exports, China has gained a prestigious international stature and is on its way to emerge as a pillar of the unfolding bipolar international system. Analysis of China’s foreign policy shows that it is well tuned with the requirements and needs of its domestic structure and economy. In comparison, Iran's foreign policy over the last three decades has succeeded in safeguarding the territorial integrity of the country and the nature and essence of the polity. However, it has not been able to move into the higher realm of producing power capacity. Iran's foreign policy has been overwhelmingly dominated by national security concerns and issues. Compared to China, Iran has failed to benefit from utilizing global technology, capital and commodity markets.

The 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran gave rise to the emergence of serious difficulties between the new revolutionary government and the outside world, inclusive of great powers and regional countries. Many analysts of Iran’s foreign policy in the post-revolutionary period have attributed this phenomenon, in large measure, to the idealism of revolutionary leaders and their discourse and efforts geared to “exporting the revolution.” The present article tries to look into the evolving nature of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran during its formative years; 1979-1982. The author argues that the seemingly aggressive posture of the Iranian foreign policy in the period under review should in fact be viewed and analyzed within the particular state of interactions between the new revolutionary regime and the external forces it had to grapple with while trying to establish the new system in Iran. In his analysis, the new Iranian foreign policy was not “aggressive” in essence and did not represent a peculiarly aggressive line of thinking on the part of the revolutionary leaders, rather it reflected the complex state of bilateral relations between Iran under the new regime and a wide array of countries and states unhappy with the revolutionary change in Iran.

In the aftermath of quite serious changes in the international system emanating from the end of the Cold War, the role and weight of foreign policy in enhancing the political, economic, cultural, and security position and status of countries have gained significance. This article tries to look into the impact of international developments on the foreign policy orientation of the Islamic Republic of Iran since early 1990s. The author argues that in the post–Cold War period, economic and cultural factors have become very important in pursuing foreign policy goals, which can be attributed to the impact of the still on-going process of globalization and revolution in information and communications. In so far as the Islamic Republic of Iran is concerned, the article argues that despite pronounced, continuous emphasis on the official commitment to the preservation of the original principles and ideals of the Islamic Revolution, Iran’s actual foreign policy orientation has undergone substantial changes during the past two decades, as reflected in the change in the official foreign policy discourse on such issues as exporting revolution, increased emphasis on economic considerations, and expansion of bilateral relations with a wide range of countries.

Developments in the international arena in recent decades, including the increasing role and power of non-governmental actors, have brought about changes in the functions of diplomacy. Nowadays, states appear to have increasingly shifted to a rather new approach and relied more on the use of public diplomacy in pursuing their foreign policy goals. The present article looks into the growing functions of public diplomacy in general and discusses the case of Iran as a country with considerable soft power and in a position to effectively utilize its potentials in pursuance of its foreign policy objectives. As argued in the article, despite the attempts to this end in the past, a well-defined and coherent plan for public diplomacy has yet to be developed and implemented. This calls for a strategic approach to the matter at hand. The article tries to explore the parameters of such a strategic approach and its imperatives, taking into account, inter alia, the country’s capacity and resources, institutional requirements, and requisite change in discourse and methods of communication with the intended foreign audience. As part of their recommendations, the authors believe that the foreign policy apparatus; that is, the foreign ministry, should be entrusted with the primary responsibility for the formulation and implementation of public diplomacy, with other institutions, both public and private, playing a complementary role.

A number of Western theorists in the field of security policy have regarded the national security policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran as "breaking the rules of the game" and threatening other countries. Iranian officials, in response, have argued that, contrary to such prevalent images and perceptions, the Islamic Republic not only does not pose any threats to the region and the world but instead it has played a "pacifying" role in its surrounding tense environment. This article aims at examining the salient aspects of Iran’s national security policy. More specifically, it seeks to answer the following questions: What are the goals and behavior of Iran’s foreign and defense security policies? Has Iran's defense policy been defensive or aggressive/expansionist? Which security threats are perceived in Iran's defense policy at the regional and international levels? And what are the most appropriate and effective foreign policy tools for responding to these security threats? Having reviewed Iran’s security threats and opportunities, and the policies pursued to enhance its status in the region and in the world system, the article has come to the conclusion that recent changes in the regional security environment as well as the new U.S. security strategies have had negative impact on Iran's national security.

According to the blueprint of the Twenty-year Vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran, by 2025 the country will acquire the status of first-ranking regional power and become the fifth world economic power. The present article looks into the stated aspirations of the Vision blueprint and argues that achievement of such lofty objectives depends on two sets of conditions; the necessary condition of national capacities and the sufficient condition of external environment. As argued in the article, since recent radical changes at the international level have given "world politics" more explanatory power than "international system", the nexus between these two sets of conditions has become all the more important. The authors, however, focus on the review of international considerations governing the relations between Iran (enjoying a secondary strategic status) and the U.S. (enjoying a primary hegemonic status in the world). In more specific terms, the authors address the following two issues: 1) the imperative of due consideration for international factors towards seeking prominent regional status; and 2) possible scenarios in transforming current "oppositional relations" to "interactive relations" (as distinct from band-wagoning) between Iran and the U.S. In their effort to answer these questions, the authors utilize the mathematical tool of permutation distribution and offer suggestions for the two sides to move beyond "oppositional dialectical discourse" towards reaching "interactive correspondent discourse."

Since its establishment in 1979, Islamic Republic of Iran has viewed Israel as an illegitimate political entity. Despite the fact that this position has been regarded as one of the most enduring, constant features of Iran’s foreign policy ever since, it should be underlined that the relevant political expressions in this regard have remained totally unchanged. Based on interpretational approach, this article looks into the dynamics of Iran’s policy towards Israel. It suggests that the master-discourse of “oppressed-ness” has held sway throughout the period under review. However, the two sub-discourses of “lawfulness-dialogue” and “justice-struggle” have come to bear on the official policy and led to different articulations of the master-discourse.