مجله تاریخ ایران
سال ششم شماره 1 (پیاپی 71، زمستان 1391 و بهار1392)

Following the emergence of the first centers of Protestant Christianity in England (late eighteenth century AD), Advertising Association in Africa and East (1799 CE / 1214 AH) – which was later to be called the Church Missionary Society (1812 CE / 1227 AH) – came into existence. Despite its rather late emergence by comparison with the other Christian bodies active in the nineteenth-century Iran, this association turned out well and popular as one of the two major pillars of the Protestant Church until the Islamic Revolution of Iran. It owed this success not only to the domain of its propaganda in Iran within the political influence of the imperial Britain but also to the benefit it took from the experiences of other communities which prioritized educational and health services. In the meantime, the Association’s missionaries – who benefited from the political support of the state to which they belonged as well as Iran’s backwardness in terms of education and health – put a variety of ways and means to the test in order to gain social legitimacy. To discuss the workings of the Church Missionary Society in Qajar Era, particularly until the Constitutionalists’ Revolution of Iran, the present article aims to analyze not only the keys but also the barriers to the success of such an association. This research is carried out by means of the historical analysis method.

From a socially enlightened point of view, the educational programs offered to the masses should not be guided by the traditional gender bias and principle of inequality. The society which follows a socially progressive strategy must draw dividends from the knowledge and abilities of all members whether male or female. The people themselves must choose their educational paths based on their individual preferences. When contemplating the educational texts of medieval Iran and Safavid Persia, it becomes clear that the masters of tutelage had two distinct objectives for the instruction of men and women. The present study, by applying the historical method and by making extensive use of primary and secondary sources, strives to explore the diverse dimensions of this canonical problem. This enquiry demonstrates that the absence of women from the society and their lack of effective engagement in the socioeconomic sphere, along with their powerlessness in making strategic decisions on matters pertaining to the public domain were the direct consequences of the isolationist methods utilized in the education of women. This was partially accomplished by barring women from attending schools, and subsequently imposing upon them an isolated and passive existence in the society. This societal construct was further perpetuated by educational models that encouraged, nay demanded men to adopt and protect this maladaptive tradition. Despite all systemic obstacles and in the face of cruel odds, when the conditions permitted, the genius of many Safavid women flourished and contested the confines of their limited social spheres. Nevertheless, these accomplishments were often restricted to the woman’s personal domain and did not thrive in the grand socio-cultural realm.

Khwarazmshahiyan gained military power through slavery positions. Their establishment in Khwarazm paved the way for political expansions – an expansion that was not possible without their reliance on an appropriate military power, and suitable political and military measures. In fact, Khwarazmshahiyan’s access to power was achieved through the right military measures taken by its founders at the right time and within certain potentially productive contexts provided by central governments. They also gained some of their abilities through experience and by employing the facilities obtained through their ceaseless power struggles with their rivals. Political, military, economic and geographic position of Khwarazm; appropriate utilization of tribal lands from beyond Saihoon River; and gaining military experience and trophies of war from conflicts with rival lands were among the most important factors contributing to the military development of Khwarazmshahiyan. Drawing upon historical documents, the present article aims at conducting a library- historical research in order to investigate into the influential factors and the extent to which they contribute to the military development of Khwarazmshahiyan.

The term or title "Tamghaj" had been used in several resources before the founding of the Ilkhanid government, but researchers have paid little attention to its use and have, thus, failed to explain its significance. However, the repeated use of the name in sources from the first half of the thirteenth century indicates that it had been used to refer to a land which virtually fit that of Mongolia. Yet, since the second half of the thirteenth century, when Mongols and Mongolians were more significantly known and used in dictionaries, the term “Tamghaj” has become obsolete. Nasavi wrote in Sireh Aljalal- aldin that Mongolia is considered as a part of Tamghaj and Jozjani has used the term to refer to the whole of Khita. By using the term "Mountains Tamghaj," Ibn Athir also puts it to good use. Other sources such as History of Jahangosha and Jame-altavarikh, however, have not once used the term. The present paper is an investigation into the application of the term “Tamaghaj” in sources from the thirteenth century.

Business development in Tamerlane Era has played a significant role in the urban development and the booming economy of Iran. The present paper, thus, discusses the factors that have contributed to such a development of domestic and foreign trade as well as its consequences. During his rule, Tamerlane took safety and security measures along the roads, and established Caravansaries and Rebats for caravans’ comfort. In order to develop the cities, he also attracted the foreign trade. Ortaq system, which was common in the Ilkhanids Era, was once more popularized in this era. Tamerlane and his successors took Tamqa from the Merchants and Artisans and got duties at Gateways. In foreign trade, Tamerlane started relations with the nearby as well as western countries. To revive the Silk Road trade in Iran, which had been brought to a standstill since the fall of the Ilkhanids, he blocked the trade route to the north of the Caspian Sea, which ran through Khwarazm towards Tana and Kafa in Gipchagh plain, and instead redirected it to the south of the Caspian Sea. The result of such policies has included the development of urban cities such as Tabriz, Soltanieh, Samarkand, Herat and Hormuz. Some Iranian businessmen transferred the Iranian domestic production to Bursa, and Timurids government gained much more benefits through duties taken from the trade Caravans. Besides, effect of such developments in terms of agriculture and urban trade has also been considerable.

AbstractThe Ghuzz were part of Oghuz tribes in the north of Iaxartes (Syr Darya) who, despite the immigration of the majority of them to Khorasan in the early fifth century, still stayed in the same place and did not leave until the sixth century – when, due to some political changes in Transoxiana, they were forced to move to Khorasan. After the collapse of the Seljuq of Khorasan, however, they plundered the area, and were, thus, under certain circumstances, forced to leave Khorasan for Kerman.Their different lifestyles from the natives next to some natural problems on the one hand, and the lack of political sovereignty on the other deeply influenced the social and economic conditions of the region, among which social insecurity, disorders in the economic affairs, brutal killings of a large number of citizens of Kerman, immigration of a few to other regions, and permanent settlement of the Ghuzz in the suburbs of such regions. The present article concentrates on the interaction between the Ghuzz and the natives as well as the social and economic problems that arose out of that matter.

Ya’qub (r: 1478- 1491) had faced two major domestic and foreign problems at the beginning of his rule. The foreign problem, equally important, was the continuous increase in the Ottomans’ empowerment whose jurisdiction was over the lands to the west of those reined over by Ya’qub. Hence, even the smallest error or imprudence before them could pose a serious risk to Aq qoyunlu. The main question, upon which the present study is based, thus, is that considering the delicacy of the matter at that particular point of history, what type of foreign policy did Ya’qub adopt and pursue in the course of his reign? I. e. regarding the common borders between the Aqqoyunlu and the two world powers of the time (Ottoman Empire and Egypt) as well as the possibility of a threat, what political position did Ya’qub take? The findings of this study which has been conducted through an application of a historical method and the use of major historical resources bear witness to the fact that Ya’qub, considering a number of factors, had based his foreign policy on limited, though positive and peaceful, relationships with the Ottomans and Egyptians. Therefore, although at the beginning of Ya’qub’s reign, there occurred a severe military conflict between Egyptians and the Aq qoyunlu (mainly due to Egyptians’ military invasion); Ya’qub’s later peace-seeking policy and his inclination to establish friendly relationships paved the way for the final establishment of calm and peace.

The emergence of Iranian identity has always been a controversial issue for scholars. However, no consensus has ever been achieved over the ontology and the time of the evolution of such an identity. The existence of a Homeland for a society is one of the major indices of the existence of communal and collective identity. Supposing that within each historical period, there exists a direct link between communal identity and the way those holding it think about the notion of a homeland, the present research asks whether or not the Safavid identified Iran as their Homeland. To collect the research data, reference is made to the literary and historical resources in the Safavid era and few decades after their downfall. A classification of and reference to such data indicates that in the second half of the Safavid era, the Iranian Homeland, next to other types of homelands, has been identified and held dear. Therefore, prevalence of the word “Iran” and its increasing usage in the Safavid texts can be taken as the primary index of the evolution of the notion of a Homeland. Reference to Iran by both Iranians and non-Iranians to distinguish Iranians as a whole, and certain cases when “Iran” is explicitly used to refer to Iranians’ Homeland can count as other indices of the formation of the Iranian communal identity.