فهرست مطالب

زبان پژوهی - پیاپی 25 (زمستان 1396)

نشریه زبان پژوهی
پیاپی 25 (زمستان 1396)

  • تاریخ انتشار: 1397/01/22
  • تعداد عناوین: 8
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  • مقاله پژوهشی
  • فاطمه تکلو *، فریدون وحدانی، منوچهر جعفری گهر، امیررضا نعمت تبریزی صفحات 7-24
    نتایج آزمون های سرنوشت ساز همچون کنکور نقش مهمی در زندگی آتی امتحان دهندگان ایفا می کنند. این تحقیق به بررسی تاثیر آموزش استراتژی های مورد نیاز آزمون بر عملکرد آزمون زبان انگلیسی کنکور می پردازد. تعداد 293 دانش آموز در این تحقیق شرکت کردند که پس از بررسی اولیه، 260 نفر به دو گروه تجربی و گواه تقسیم شدند. پس از شرکت در پیش آزمون، هر دو گروه در دوره آموزشی شرکت کردند که به گروه تجربی بسته آموزشی استراتژی های مورد نیاز آزمون به همراه تمرین نمونه سئوال های کنکور آموزش داده شد اما گروه گواه فقط نمونه سئوال های کنکور را تمرین کردند. بعد از اتمام دوره، دو گروه در پس آزمون شرکت کردند و در نهایت همگی آنها یک ماه بعد در آزمون کنکور شرکت کردند. داده های این تحقیق با استفاده از آزمون نمونه های جفت شده و ضریب همبستگی پیرسون بررسی شد. نتایج، بیانگر عملکرد بهتر گروه تجربی نسبت به گروه گواه بود. بنابراین به نظر می رسد تلفیق چنین استراتژی هایی در برنامه درسی تمامی دانش آموزان نتایج ارزشمند و سازنده ای دارد .
    کلیدواژگان: استراتژی های مورد نیاز آزمون، آزمون چندگزینه ای، آزمون زبان انگلیسی
  • حمیدرضا شعیری*، پانته آنبی ئیان صفحات 25-58
    مطالعه تشخیص، امری جدای از بافت گفتمانی نیست. این فرایند، وابسته به پیوستار روایت است و اگر در شرایط گسستی و ناپیوستار مطالعه شود، معنای صادرشده از آن بدون بافت، با روند طبیعی گفتمان ارتباط موثر ندارد. دادن مولفه انسانی به غیرانسان، توصیف سنتی تشخیص است. با هدف گذر از این محدودیت، ضمن تحلیل داستانی کوتاه از چوبک با عنوان «دسته گل»، در چارچوب روش نشانه-معناشناسی گفتمانی، تمامی عوامل اثرگذار در ایجاد فرایند تشخیص را مورد بررسی قرار می دهیم. فرض بر این است که در ایجاد فرایند تشخیص، نظام تقابلی، نظام حائلی، عامل پس تنیدگی و کارکرد القایی، فرایند تنشی، نظام فشاره ای و گستره ای، از عوامل مهم هستند. در بعد عاطفی گفتمان، ریتم، افعال موثر و نمود در شکل گیری فرایند تشخیص، از عوامل اثرگذار به شمار می روند. هدف اصلی این مقاله، بررسی و تحلیل تشخیص به عنوان امری فرایندی، در متن ادبی و تاثیر آن بر کارکرد نظام روایی گفتمان، در داستان کوتاه معاصر فارسی می باشد.این فرایند، دو سویه دارد. چنانچه روند مسیر فرایند به سوی استعلا و افزایش ابعاد انسانی باشد، به سمت تشخیص بیشینه ای می رویم و اگر روال، مسیری در جهت افت و کاهش ابعاد انسانی باشد، به سمت تشخیص کمینه ای هدایت می شویم.
    کلیدواژگان: نشانه-معناشناسی گفتمانی، نثر معاصر، فرایند تشخیص، دسته گل، شخصیت بخشی، تنش
  • امین کریمی، والی رضایی* صفحات 59-78
    صفت در کاربرد اسنادی محمول جمله تلقی می گردد و از این نظر ویژگی فعلی پیدا می کند. زبان شناسان نقش گرا محمول های فعلی را به ایستا و نا ایستا تقسیم می کنند. هدف این مقاله آن است که بر اساس شواهد نحوی و معنایی نشان دهد که طبقه های ایستا و نا ایستا شامل کنشی و فرایندی محدود به محمول های فعلی نیستند، بلکه صفت ها نیز می توانند ایستا یا نا ایستا باشند. صفت هایی مانند «بزرگ، بلند، چاق، قرمز» که حالت یا وضعیتی ثابت و دائمی را بیان می کنند، ایستا هستند، در حالی که صفت هایی از قبیل «محتاط، مرتب، کمرو، گستاخ» بیان کننده حالات یا ویژگی هایی هستند که تا حدی تحت کنترل و اراده موضوع ها هستند و تابع شرایط و بافت های خاص می باشند.از این رو، این صفت ها ناایستا یا پویا تلقی می شوند. در این مقاله تلاش شده است تا با تجزیه و تحلیل داده های نوشتاری و گفتاری زبان فارسی، صفت های ایستا و نا ایستا مورد بررسی قرار گیرد. همچنین، آزمون های نحوی و معنایی متعددی برای تشخیص صفت های ایستا از نا ایستا معرفی شده اند. نتایج پژوهش نشان می دهد که تقسیم بندی ایستا و پویا صرفا محدود به طبقه فعل نمی باشد و این ویژگی ها را می توان در طبقه صفت نیز یافت. همچنین در این پژوهش مشخص شد که برخی از صفت ها قابلیت خوانش ایستا و نا ایستا را در بافت های زبانی و موقعیتی متفاوت دارا هستند.
    کلیدواژگان: دستور نقش و ارجاع، صفت ایستا، صفت نا ایستا، محمول، فرایند
  • عباسعلی آهنگر *، موسی محمودزهی، فرزانه جمالزهی صفحات 79-111
    گویش بلوچی سرحدی زیرشاخه ای از بلوچی غربی (رخشانی) است. پژوهش حاضر درصدد است تا مقوله های تصریفی یا ساخت واژی- نحوی اسم شامل: شمار، جنس دستوری، معرفگی، حالت و مالکیت را در گویش بلوچی سرحدی گرنچین مورد بررسی قرار دهد. این مطالعه هم زمانی بر اساس پیکره زبانی گردآوری شده از طریق کار میدانی در منطقه گرنچین واقع در 35 کیلومتری جنوب شرقی شهرستان خاش انجام شده است. داده های زبانی از طریق ضبط گفتار آزاد و مصاحبه با 10 گویشور از ساکنین بومی منطقه گرنچین شامل 5 مرد و 5 زن بی سواد با محدوده سنی 50 - 80 سال گردآوری شده است. نتایج پژوهش نشان می دهد بلوچی سرحدی در مقوله شمار از تمایز شمار مفرد و جمع برخوردار است. این گویش فاقد نشانه ای ساخت واژی برای مقوله جنس دستوری است. به علاوه، اسم در مقوله معرفگی با استفاده از نشانه های نحوی و ساخت واژی متنوع صرف می شود. نظام حالت در این گویش نظام فاعلی- مفعولی است و حالت به صورت حالت فاعلی و حالت غیرفاعلی تحقق می یابد. در این راستا، حالت غیرفاعلی، به نوبه خود، به صورت حالت رایی/ برایی، اضافی/ ملکی، ندایی، مکانی، به ای، ازی و بایی کاربرد دارد؛ با این وجود، این گویش از نظام ساخت کنایی دوگانه در نظام گذشته فعل نیز استفاده می کند. مالکیت، علاوه بر استفاده از حالت اضافی/ ملکی، به کمک فعل ربطی، حروف اضافه، فعل /dɑʃt-en/ و عبارت های قرضی از فارسی نیز بیان می شود.
    کلیدواژگان: بلوچی سرحدی، اسم، شمار، جنس دستوری، معرفگی، حالت، مالکیت
  • احمدرضا شریفی پورشیرازی *، جلال رحیمیان صفحات 113-136
    در این مقاله به تبیین دو مشخصه بارز زبان های ضمیرانداز یعنی فقدان فاعل واژگانی و جابه جایی آزادانهفاعل و فعل در زبان فارسی بر اساس پادتقارن پویا می پردازیم.این دو ویژگی محصول جانبی نقطه تقارن هستند. ضمیر فاعلی پنهان ضمیری ضعیف و یک گروه حرف تعریف است که پس از ادغام با گروه فعلی و تشکیل نقطهتقارن در صورت آوایی حذف می گردد. این امر توجیه گر ضمیراندازی است. جایگاه اصلی فاعل در ساخت های متعدی و غیرکنایی در مشخصگر فعل سبک و در ساخت های غیرمفعولی مشخصگر فعل واژگانی است. در تمامی این جایگاه ها شاهد نقطه تقارنی خواهیم بود که می تواند به دو صورت شکسته شود؛ یا با جابه جایی فعل و یا با جابه جایی فاعل. همین امر، جابه جایی آزادانه فاعل و فعل را توجیه می کند. در فاعل پیش فعلی حرف تعریف در جایگاه مشخصگر گروه زمان و در صورت تکیه بر بودن در جایگاه مشخصگر گروه کانون می نشیند. در فاعل پس فعلی در ساختارهای غیرمفعولی، فعل از درون فعل واژگانی تیره به صورت افزوده با فعل سبک ادغام می شود و در ساختارهای غیرکنایی و متعدی فعل از درون گروه فعل واژگانی به درون هسته زمان حرکت می کند.
    کلیدواژگان: ضمیراندازی، جابه جایی آزادانه فاعل و فعل، ضمیر فاعلی پنهان، فاعل پیش فعلی، فاعل پس فعلی
  • آزیتا افراشی، فاطمه کوشکی * صفحات 137-166
    یکی از مفاهیم اصلی در رویکرد زبان شناسی شناختی، این است که هر واحد زبانی شبکه ای از معانی است. لانگاکر (Langacker، 1991) معتقد است که «تکواژ، مقولات، و ساخت های دستوری همگی صورتی از واحدهای نمادین دارند»، از این نظر وندها نیز معنای خاص خود را دارند که آن معنا را به پایه میزبان می افزایند و در نهایت معنای مشتق شکل می گیرد. یک پیش وند، همانند مقولات واژگانی، مقوله ای را تشکیل می دهد که همه معانی خود را که حول یک معنای مرکزی گرد آمده اند، رده بندی می کند. بنابراین می توان گفت مشتقات پیش وند «پیش-» نیز مقوله ای چندمعنا با یک ساخت درونی نظامند است. در این پژوهش برای تحلیل معناشناختی این پیش وند، معانی مشتقات آن را از منظر شناختی به دست آوردیم و در نهایت با مشخص کردن شبکه شعاعی این وند، دو خوشه معنایی مرکزی تعیین شد که دیگر معانی از این دو گره معنایی منتج می شوند: ترتیب زمانی، ترتیب مکانی. از بین این دو معنی، یکی به عنوان معنای اصلی وند مذکور است. برای تشخیص این معنای اصلی از معیارهایی که تایلر و ایوانز (2003) پیشنهاد کرده اند، بهره گرفته شد و مشخص شد که مفهوم مکانی این وند چندمعنا، به عنوان معنای اولیه می باشد که دیگر معانی حول این معنای مرکزی قرار می گیرند.
    کلیدواژگان: زبان شناسی شناختی، پیش وند پیش-، چندمعنایی، شبکه شعاعی
  • شهلا شریفی، نرجس بانو صبوری هلستانی * صفحات 167-190
    در این جستار بر آنیم تا کارکرد دو فعل «شدن» و «رفتن» را در گویش های فارسی خراسان بررسی کنیم. بدین منظور بیست و دو گویش از خراسان های رضوی، جنوبی و شمالی در این پژوهش بررسی، و چهار کارکرد این افعال شامل فعل حرکتی اصلی، فعل اسنادی، فعل کمکی و فعل وجهی مورد تحلیل قرار گرفته اند. با توجه به کارکرد این افعال، گویش های فارسی خراسان به سه دسته تقسیم شده و در برخی کارکردها برای برخی دسته ها زیردسته هایی نیز ارائه شده است. همچنین برای روشن تر شدن وضعیت این افعال در دوره نو شواهدی از دیگر گویش های ایرانی و گونه هایی از دیگر زبان های ایرانی چون کردی و بلوچی ارائه شده است. با توجه به سیر تاریخی این افعال از دوره باستان تاکنون، نتایج این پژوهش بیانگر تغییراتی است که در کارکرد این افعال در برخی گویش های خراسان اتفاق افتاده، به گونه ای که آنها را نه تنها از زبان های ایرانی باستان و میانه، بلکه از فارسی امروز نیز متمایز ساخته است. برای مثال کارکرد فعل «رفتن» که به عنوان فعل حرکتی در دوره میانه وارد زبان فارسی شده، به گونه ای در گویش هایی چون مشهدی، کاشمری، ادکانی و دلبری تعمیم داده شده که فعل «رفتن» جای «شدن» را هم به عنوان فعل اسنادی و کمکی، حتی در گویشی چون ادکانی به عنوان فعل وجهی که اصولا کارکردی نو حتی برای فارسی نو محسوب می شود، گرفته است. نتایج این پژوهش در شناخت بیشتر تحولات گویش های فارسی خراسان و زبان فارسی می تواند راهگشا باشد.
    کلیدواژگان: شدن، رفتن، گویش های فارسی خراسان، فعل مجهول، فعل وجهی، فعل اسنادی
  • حسین مغانی*، شجاع تفکری رضایی صفحات 191-216
    مقاله حاضر می کوشد تا در چارچوب برنامه کمینه گرا (Chomsky، 1995، 2000، 2001a-b)، اختیاری بودن فرایندی را در فارسی تبیین نماید که به موجب آن، فعل در جملات پرسشی آری نه، ضمن ابقا در جای اصلی خود، قادراست به جایگاه آغازین جمله نیز جابه جا شود تا تعبیر پرسشی جمله را فراهم سازد. در این راستا، نخست تصریح می شود که اختیاری بودن پیش گذاری فعل در جملات پرسشی آری نه در زبان فارسی متضمن نوعی تناقض در زمینه قدرت دو ارزشی مشخصه ها در برنامه کمینه گرا است. در ادامه، با ارائه یک راهکار جایگزین، انگیزه پیش گذاری فعل در ساخت های مذکور را بازبینی مشخصه [- تاکید] و نیز مشخصه قوی [اصل فرافکنی گسترده](Chomsky، 2000، 2001a-b) در جایگاه هسته گروه تاکید قلمداد می کنیم.در تحلیل اخیر، پیش گذاری فعل در جملات مورد بحث از یک طرف و ابقای آن در جای خود، ازطرف دیگر، به ترتیب حاصل گزینش و عدم گزینش مشخصه [اصل فرافکنی گسترده] از واژگان توسط هسته گروه تاکید است. بدین ترتیب، در ساخت های گروه نخست، پس از بازبینی مشخصه قوی [اصل فرافکنی گسترده] در جایگاه هسته گروه تاکید، به دلیل عدم امکان حرکت فعل به هسته گروه متمم نما جهت بازبینی مشخصه [- پرسشی] به علت حضور متمم نمای «که» در این جایگاه، مشخصه [- پرسشی] هسته گروه متمم نما و مشخصه [+ پرسشی] فعل در جایگاه هسته گروه تاکید از طریق سازوکار مطابقه همدیگر را بازبینی می کنند. در مقابل، در ساخت های گروه دوم، این مطابقه و بازبینی میان مشخصه [- پرسشی] هسته گروه متمم نما و مشخصه [+ پرسشی] فعل در جای خود در هسته گروه فعلی انجام می شود.
    کلیدواژگان: جملات پرسشی آری - نه، پیش گذاری فعل، اختیاری بودن، کمینه گرا، مشخصه [اصل فرافکنی گسترده]
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  • Manochehr Jafari, Fateme Takloo * Pages 7-24
    The results of high-stakes tests such as Iranian National University Entrance Examination, i.e. Konkoor may play a significant role in the test takers’ future life. Occasionally, despite the test takers'' knowledge of the language, some variables may hinder their performance (Rezaei, 2005). Some of these variables are the methods used to measure the language ability, and prior experience with the test, and individual characteristics. Two reasons other than language proficiency that may be accountable for systematic difference in language test performance are the processes and strategies used by test takers in responding to test tasksand the characteristics of the test takers (Bachman, 2000). In Iran, National University Entrance Examination is the only criterion for Iranian students’ admission into public universities; consequently, it has a crucial role in the test takers’ future field of study and their prospective jobs. However, unfortunately many students with high grade point averages are seen to have weak performance in this exam. As Scruggs and Mastropieri (1995) pointed out many students are poorly prepared for test-taking strategies and that the lack of "test-wiseness" is often responsible for test scores which do not accurately reflect students'' knowledge. This paper reports on a study which explored the effect of training test-taking strategies on English language performance of Iranian high school students. To do so, 293 students participated in this study. First, participants responded to a demographic questionnaire and Oxford Placement Test (OPT). After reviewing the demographic questionnaires completed by the participants and their performance on the OPT, 33 participants were excluded from the data analysis due to taking part in a similar test-taking training course and/or having extreme scores. Therefore, 260 participants were left for the data analysis who were randomly divided into one experimental and one control group. After taking their pretests, they participated in their workshops during which the experimental group received test-taking strategy package. After the treatment, both groups took their English language posttests. At last, they took their Konkoor. The data were analyzed using Paired samples t-test and Pearson Correlation Coefficient. The findings of this study indicated that the experimental group outperformed the control group. This study suggests that integrating such strategies in the teaching curriculum could be valuable for all students.
    Keywords: Test-taking Strategies, High-stakes Test, Training, English Test
  • Hamidreza Shairi *, Pantea Nabian Pages 25-58
    Attributing human traits to non-human entities is traditionally described as personification. In this article, we set out to go beyond the limits of this definition. We hypothesized that personification is a process which is formed by many factors in a context and without considering these factors, we can’t draw an appropriate conclusion which matches with the real nature of discourse. A short-Persian story entitled” a bunch of flowers”, by Choobak, a famous Iranian writer, was chosen to be analyzed on the basis of discursive-semiotics, to show how the process of personification forms. It was estimated that manipulative and tensive-function, adversative process and protension factor affect the formation of the process of personification. At last, the results supported our hypothesis. Our findings revealed that the process has a minimal and a maximal side. This article tries to show that personification forms as a process within a text and there are many factors which help this formation happen. While the process of personification is taking place, an object can manipulate the subject in a way that leads the subject to become more and more passive and lose his abilities as a human. The object gradually puts the subject in a position that he has no humanistic trait such as the power to choose, the power to act or even think. We have to consider that there are many linguistic factors playing crucial roles in this process. In the story, we showed how a letter as an object gets personified and the reader of the letter as a human gets depersonified. This is why we considered this process as a two sided axis. The human whose humanistic traits decreases gets near to the minimum side of axis and the letter whose humanistic abilities increases gets closer to the maximum side. We also tried to go further than the traditional description of personification to show how it works and to prove that there are many linguistic factors which are important in forming the process of personification. In the story, the reader is threatened and he loses his ability to control and think just because of the words and sentences in the letter. Finally he finds himself in a situation that the letter has the power to control him and even it is able to kill him. It should once again be emphasized that personification cannot take place without a context.
    Keywords: Discursive-semiotics, Personification process, Contemporary literature, Tension
  • Amin Karimi, Vali Rezai * Pages 59-78
    Adjectives are considered predicates of sentences and take features normally associated with verbs when used predicatively. Functional linguists divide predicate-functioning verbs into stative and non-stative predicates. The aim of this paper is to show through syntactic and semantic evidence that stativity/non-stativity is not limited to verbs; rather; they can be extended to adjectives as well. The questions which the present research aims to answer are: to what extent can the theory of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) be used as a framework to explain the syntactic and semantic features of stative and non-stative adjectives of Persian, and is the division of predicates into statives and non-statives specific to verbs, as Vendler believes, or can it be extended to other predicates including adjectives? Attempts have been made in this article to describe stative and non-stative adjectives through the analysis of the spoken and written data of Persian. Besides, various syntactic and semantic tests have been used for distinguishing stative adjectives from non-stative ones.
    The theoretical framework within which the present research has been conducted is RRG, which is a functional theory developed by Van Valin in the 1980s in response to the question about the interface between form and meaning, or the interface of syntax, semantics and pragmatics in different languages. RRG claims that semantic and pragmatic considerations determine the linguistic forms. This theory posits three main representations: a representation of the syntactic structure of sentences, a semantic representation, and a representation of the information structure of the utterance. There is also a set of rules linking the syntactic and semantic representations to each other, and discourse-pragmatics plays a role in this linking. What makes RRG distinct from other formal approaches is that it tries to describe and analyze linguistic structures via reference to meaning and communicative role. The syntactic structure and the semantic structure are combined and the latter is regarded as the basic component. In the semantic structure, verbs are divided based on their type of action (Aktionsart) into states, achievements, accomplishments and activities.
    Some adjectives such as big, tall, fat and red show permanent states, whereas some others such as careful, disciplined, shy and arrogant show temporary characteristics which are not under the control of their arguments, and which are interpreted in the contexts and circumstances where they appear. The researchers have used different syntactic and semantic tests including progressive use, imperative use, function in different tenses with different adverbials and so on, to distinguish stative adjectives from non-stative ones. The syntactic and semantic evidence shows that stative adjectives have a different behavior from non-stative ones, as the latter can be used in imperative function, progressive aspect, different tenses, to mention just a few, whereas the former type of adjectives cannot be used in this way. The analysis of the two types of adjectives also showed that there exists some overlap between them; that is, some adjectives have both stative and non-stative interpretations, depending on the contexts where they appear. For example, adjectives such as bozorg (big) and sangin (heavy) can denote both the physical properties of people and things, and the personality features of people. This is why we can divide adjectives into inherent and non-inherent ones, although some are used both inherently and non-inherently.
    The syntactic and semantic tests used in this research revealed that semantic considerations do play a part in determining the linguistic forms, thereby confirming the RRG's main claim regarding the interface or association among different components of language including syntax, semantics and pragmatics. This study also showed that the stativity/non-stativity dichotomy is by no means limited to the verb category; rather, it can be extended to adjective predicates as well. Whether other types of predicates such as nouns and adverbs can also be classified as stative or non-stative can be good topics for future research. This study also showed that some adjectives could be interpreted as either stative or non-stative, depending on the linguistic and situational contexts where they appear. This finding confirms the RRG's claim as to the effective role of contextual or pragmatic features in determining the linguistic forms.
    Keywords: Role, Reference Grammar, stative adjective, non-stative adjective, predicate, process
  • Abbas Ali Ahangar *, Moosa Mahmoodzahi, Farzaneh Jamalzahi Pages 79-111
    Sarhaddi Balochi dialect is a sub-branch of western (Rakhshani) Balochi. The western dialects of Balochi Language are spoken in: “[…] eastern Iran, in pockets in Khorasan and Golestan, then further south in Sistan and in the northern parts of Balochistan around Zahedan and Khash, with varieties often referred to as Sistani […] and Sarhaddi […]” (Jahani and Korn, 2009: 637), among other areas and districs out of Iran.
    The present research is going to study the inflectional or morpho-syntactic categories of noun including: number, gender, definiteness, case and possession in Sarhaddi Balochi of Granchin. This synchronic investigation has been carried out based on the corpus collected through a fieldwork in Granchin district located about 35 kms southeast of Khash city in Sistan and Baluchestan province in Iran. The data were gathered via free speech recording and interviewing with 10 illiterate local resident speakers (5 males and 5 females) with an age range of 50-80 years with different social backgrounds.
    The results showed that as to number category, Sarhaddi Balochi distinguishes between singular and plural number. In this regard, number is marked as zero morpheme (-Ø) in singular nouns (e.g., /zahg/ “child, son”) and /-ɑn/ in plural nouns (e.g., /zahg-ɑn/. “children, sons”) The plural morpheme is used with all types of nouns (animate , inanimate, countable and uncountable). Similarly, to express plurality, this morpheme is used with loan words (e.g., /wasɑel-ɑn/ from Arabic meaning “means” and the adjectives as noun substitutes (e.g.,/gwanɖ-ok-ɑn/ “the small” a substitute for “kids”) as well. In addition, the category of number is not employed with common nouns and the nouns with a unique reference; in case they take the plural number they have a different meaning. For example /hoʃter/ “camel” is used as a common or general noun and /hoʃter-ɑn/ “camels” in spite of taking the plural form does not refer to the number of camels but is used as a common noun as well, as shown in (1a) and (1b) respectively:(1) a. / hoʃter ruǝtʃ-iə se: ɑp-a wɑ/
    camel day.INDEF three water-V.EL eat.PRES.3SG
    ‘Camel drinks water three times a day.’
    b. /hoʃter-ɑn ruǝtʃ-iə se: ɑp-a war-an/
    camel-PL day-INDEF three water-V.EL eat.PRES-3PL
    ‘Camels drink water three times a day.’
    Similarly, as given in (2a) and (2b), the meaning of the noun /ruǝ (ʧ)/ “sun” with a unique reference changes to“days” if it is pluralized as /ruǝtʃ-ɑn/:(2) a. /ruǝ(ʧ) ʃa kuǝh-ɑ sar-a kan/
    sun from mountain-OBL on-V.EL do.RES.3SG
    ‘ The sun rises from the top of the mountain.’
    b. . /ruǝtʃ-ɑn tah kuǝʈi-j-ɑn ʃap-ɑn ham-edɑn-iən/
    day-PL inside room-HI –PL night-PL EMPH-here-COP.PRES.1PL
    ‘ We are in rooms in days, (and) here at nights.’
    Although this dialect lacks any inflectional marker for grammatical gender, it actively employs, for instance, lexical gender (though with no morphological marker) to differentiate between nouns referring to males and females. This type of gender can be found in family terms (e.g., /pess/ “father” and /mɑs/ “mother”), address terms (e.g., /wɑdʒa/ “sir” used to address males versus /balli:/ “grandmother” used for addressing grandmothers), the names of people (e.g., /mah bi:bi:/ “a proper for women” and /dʒommɑ/ “ a proper name for men) as well as animals (e.g., /sag/ “dog” as a common noun, but /narɑz/ “male dog” and /menɖ/ “female dog”).
    Besides, in regard with definiteness in Sarhaddi Balochi, it is manifested in nouns in three ways: intrinsic definiteness, (proper nouns (e.g., /rostom/ “a proper noun for men”) and generic nouns (e.g. /drahtʃ/ “tree”,), morphological definiteness (using a case marker, e.g. the direct object marker -ɑ in /tʃɑhi-j-ɑ/ “the tea”,), and definiteness in the syntactic context (e.g., possessive adjective noun: /mni: nɑkuǝzaht/ “my cousin”). On the other hand, to show indefiniteness, the suffix /-iə/ is added to the noun, or the number /jakk/ ‘one’ plus the indefinite suffix may be used, too (e.g., / (jak) sɑhat-iə/ “a watch”).
    The case system of this dialect is a nominative–accusative system and the case is displayed in the form of nominative (e.g., /zahg/ “child, son”) and oblique cases. In this regard, oblique case is morpho-syntactically manifested as accusative/dative (e.g., /zahg-ɑ(ra)/ “ the child (as direct object) / to the child”), genitive (e.g., /zahg-ej/ “ child’s”) , vocative (e.g., /zahg/ (e.g., oh you child!”), locative (e.g., / be… kabretɑn-ɑ/ “ to ….graveyard”), allative (e.g., /be beheʃt/ “ in heaven”), ablative (e.g., /ʃa riǝk-ɑ/ “from sand” and instrumental (e.g., /guǝ ɖuǝl-ɑ/ “ with bucket”) case forms. However, this dialect of Balochi makes use of split ergative system in its past system of verb as well. In ergative structures, the agent of transitive verbs appears in the form of suffixed pronouns and bears the oblique case. Also, the verb is realized as third person singular with all subject agents and does not agree with the agents in number, as shown in (3):(3) /jak pɑtʃen-eʃ dʒat ham-ɑngu/
    one goat-PRON.SUFF.3PL hit.PAST.3SG EMPH-that side
    ‘They hunted a goat over there.’
    Furthermore, in Sarhaddi Balochi, possession is, apart from genitive case marking, expressed via the use of third person singular form of the copula, adpositions, the verb /dɑʃt-en/ ‘to have’ and some borrowed expressions from Persian.
    Keywords: Sarhaddi Balochi, noun, number, gender, definiteness, case, possession
  • Ahmadreza Sharifipur Shirazi *, Jalal Rahimian Pages 113-136
    In the present study two significant characteristics of pro-drop languages, i.e. the absence of lexical subject and subject-verb free inversion will be investigated in light of Dynamic Anti-Symmetry (hence, DAS) framework (Moro, 2000) in Persian:
    [pro ketab ra peyda kardam]
    pro book OM found
    [Qaza xord Arash]
    ate Arash
    These two characteristics are assumed to be the byproduct of the point of symmetry and the attempt to break this symmetry. According to DAS, we took movement as a symmetry breaking process and not a process through which uninterpretable features can be checked. By extending Merge operation, Moro (2004) argues that it is possible to have an unspecified structure in which none of the element participated in merge can be projected. He calls this unspecified structure bare small clause. Bare small clause is a kind of clause which is the complement of copulas and by virtue of having no position for functional heads; it can include a point of symmetry. Thid small cluse is the product of merging of two maximal projections none of which is projected in the resulting structure. By definition, this small clause is nothing more than a point of symmetry which must be broken in line with linear correspondent axiom (hence, LCA) (kanye, 1994). Accordingly, any merger of DP and VP leads to a point of symmetry; provided that, that DP plays the role of the subject of the whole phrase. This point of symmetry will be broken at PF in line with LCA.
    According to Cardinaletti & Starke (1999), Holmberg (2005) & Roberts (2007) pro is no longer a null category but a weak pronoun. This assumption is accepted through the current article. Therefore, Pro is assumed to be a weak pronoun and hence a DP which undergoes deletion at PF after being merged with VP and constructing a point of symmetry. It should be mentioned that in this article it is accepted that either moving or deleting of one of the symmetry makers can break the point of symmetry. This justifies the absence of lexical subject.
    Spec,vP and Spec,VP are suggested to be the main position for subject in transitive/ unergative and unaccusative structures respectively, according to UTAH. In all of these positions a point of symmetry is observed which can be broken in two ways: by verb movement or by subject movement; this justifies subject-verb free inversion in pro-drop languages. The landing site for pre-verbal subject is assumed to be Spec,TP and Spec,FocP in case the subject gets stress. The landing site for post-verbal subject in unaccusative structures is little v and in transitive/unergative structures is head T.
    In conclusion, we can say that in this study by assuming pro as a weak pronoun and hence a DP, we showed that omitting subject in a pro-drop language is a byproduct of observing LCA at PF. Meanwhile, we argued that in Persian according to UTAH, the main position for subject in sentences with transitive/ unergative predicators is Spec,vP and in sentences with unaccusative predicators is Spec,VP. All of these positions bear the point of symmetry which can be broken in two ways: by movement of either the verb or the subject. These ways of breaking points of symmetry can justify the subject-verb free inversion in pro-drop languages.
    Keywords: pro-drop language, subject-verb free inversion, pro, pre-verbal subject, post verbal subject, LCA, UTAH
  • Fatemeh Koushki * Pages 137-166
    One of the concepts in cognitive linguistics approach is that each linguistic unit is a network of meanings. Langacker (1991: 16) believes that "morpheme, categories, and grammatical structures, all are a form of symbolic units". In this respect, affixes also have specific meanings which are added to bases and at last a derivation is created. An affix as a lexical entity forms a category whose meanings is collected around a core meaning. Therefore, we can say that derivations of 'pish-' prefix also have several meanings with an organized internal structure. In this article, to analyze this affix, its derivations are studied through a cognitive linguistic perspective, its different meanings are unraveled and finally by determining radial network of this affix, two meaning cluster were determined from which other meanings stemmed: temporal order and spatial order. One of these meanings, spatial meaning is selected as the core meaning and for doing it we used two factors proposed by Evans and Tyler (2003). Then spatial meaning of this polysemy affix was primary meaning around which other meanings are posited.
    To answer the question of whether there are many meanings for pish- affix and, if so, how these meanings are related to each other; it can be argued that from cognitive linguistic perspective and based on our data analysis, it was discovered that pish- affix is a linguistic expression that has a multidimentional feature. By reviewing 63 derivatives from affixation of this prefix to different grammatical categories, two meanings were obtained, each of which had different conceptual meanings. From these semantic clusters, the spatial sense was introduced as the initial meaning according to Evans and Tyler's (2003) criteria: the historical evidence and the incidence frequency in the scattered network, with other meanings surrounding this central meaning. It is necessary to explain that at first glance it seems that the meaning of "forward direction" is a separate meaning, but since motion occurs in the space, henceforth this concept is also in the section of priority of the place. In addition, in some cases, such as "pish-shomare (pre-code)" with The close conflict was the concept of space and time, in which case, given the fact that conceptual time is abstract and occurring in the concept of space, so it is not so easy to distinguish spatial and temporal priority in such derivatives.
    Keywords: cognitive linguistics, pre- prefix, polysemy, radial network
  • Shahla Sharifi, Narjes Banoo Sabouri Helestani * Pages 167-190
    This study aimed at investigating the function of two verbs of “Become” (šodan) and “Go” (Raftan) in the current Persian dialects of Khorasan (all three zones of Khorasan). To clarify the present condition of these verbs in these dialects, their historical course from Indo-European, Old Persian and Middle Iranian languages were tracked and analyzed. These given functions were also compared with their functions in other varieties and current languages of Iran which made us draw significant conclusions.
    Not much research has been conducted on “go” and “become”. Two studies indirectly related to the present article are addressed here. The first one is by Golfam et al. (2011) which showed that the standard Persian language tries to lighten the position of “become” in passive tenses. The researchers concluded that the verb “become” plays a crucial role in passive structures and its function is fulfilled by extending the meaning of other functions of “become” in today’s Persian. The second seminal study which is similar in its content and scope to the present one is by Pishghdam et al. (2014) who compared the functions of “go” in English and Mashhadi dialect showing its usage similarity in both.
    Given the diversity of the two verbs in the Persian dialects of Khorasan and the paucity of research in this regard, this research was initiated on a descriptive-analytical basis to shed light on some aspects of the use of these two verbs. Part of the data in this study was taken from the theses and articles written on these dialects and varieties. Other parts of the data were gathered through field study or via the speech of the researchers themselves. In case of the latter, their sources were cited. The collected samples are mostly from the two dialects of central and southern Khorasan but not much from the northern part as the first two were more easily available.
    Based on the etymology and the historical uses of these two verbs, it is known that “become” has been available in Indo-European language meaning “moving” and “going”. This verb has been used in the Old Persian and Avestan texts in the same concept, and it was still regarded a major “motion” verb in the Middle Persian. However, the Indo-European origin of the verb ‘go’ is doubted by some experts. ‘Go’ was probably used instead of ‘become’ or beside it as the main motion verb in some of the Persian varieties since the middle period. In the New Iranian era, ‘become’ stopped functioning as the main motional verb and its function was fully transferred to the verb ‘go’. Following these changes, ‘become’ turned into an auxiliary and complementary verb with a new function.
    Studying these verbs in twenty-two dialects of Farsi in triple Khorasan provinces led us to a triple categorization. In the first category of the dialects just like in standard Persian, ‘go’ is used as the main motional verb and ‘become’ as the auxiliary or complementary verb. Dialects such as Taybadi, Khafi, Kakhki, Jami, Ferdowsi, Ghayeni, Gonabadi and Birjandi are all in this category. The following examples clarify the case:Taybadi (Kazemi, 2000):1. kuku de kaseqâl xo raf: (cuckoo into nest own went): The Cuckoo went into its nest.
    2. haq šemâ porra soda: (right you full become): Your right completed
    3. dida mešem: (seen are being become-we): We are being seen
    In the second category of the dialects, in all cases, the verb ‘go’ is used as the main motional verb or complementary or auxiliary verb. The Mashadi, Sabzevari, Kashmari, Roueini and Adkani dialects are in this category.
    Adkani:4 . U raftag: He/She Went
    5. Ali košta raftag: (Ali killed went): Ali was killed
    6 . Rouhani raisjomhur raftag : (Rouhani president went): Rouhani became the president.
    In the third category of the Khorasani dialects, both ‘go’ and ‘become’ are used but their functions are not exactly the same as in standard Persian. The dialects of Reqqe, Tabasi and Sedeh are of this kind.
    Raqqe (Asadi, 1999):7. Be koǰa šodi? (To where became?): Where did you go?
    8. Bešoda bodom be Mašad (become was-I): I had gone to Mashhad.
    As is seen, in Raqqe dialect ‘become’ is used instead of ‘go’. The following examples shows how ‘become’ is used as a linking verb:9. Hâšem naxoš soda: (Hashem sick become): Hashem has become sick.
    10. šoma ra ke mabinem xošhâl marem (you râ (Do object marker)that see-I happy go-I: I become happy when I see you.
    "Become" is used in sentence 9 and ‘go’ in sentence 10 which means both verbs are used in this context.
    In passive tenses in these dialects, ‘become’ and ‘go’ are used in terms of time variable. Thus in past simple, future simple and present perfect, passive tense is made by the auxiliary verb of ‘become’, but the in present simple, Going to, and Future in the past, ‘go’ is used to form passive sentences. Apart from the mentioned functions, these verbs were also analyzed in terms of some other functions like their usage as modal verbs. Studying the function of ‘become’ as a modal verb in the discussed three categories resulted in the following findings:Kakhki:11. meša beri? (is becoming go-you?) Can you go?
    However, speaking to the elderly language users makes it clear that in the past the usage of the verb ‘can’ in this context was more and ‘become’ is new in this function.
    In the second category, we have three different kinds. In some dialects such as Adkani, ‘go’ is used instead of ‘become’ (like other functions of ‘become).
    12. mera beri? (is going go-you?) Can you go?
    In some of the dialects of the second group, like Mashhadi, the verb ‘become’ is used under the influence of standard Persian.
    13. meše beri? ( is becoming go-you?): Can you go?
    However, as it was previously said, in this dialect ‘go’ is used instead of ‘become’. In the third kind of the second category of the dialects, there are other modal verbs used instead of ‘become’ and ‘go’. For example in Neyshabouri dialect, the verb ‘can’ is used:14. metana bera (is being able go-he/she?) Can he/she go?
    Actually, ‘can’ is one of the modal verbs from the middle era which has the same function in standard Persian Language. In Khafi and Sedeh dialects from the third category, the verb ‘become’ is used in this context.
    Khafi (Amirinejad, 1996):15. Maša beri (is becoming go-you?): Can you go?
    Sadeh (Afzadlnejad, 1998):16..mešɛ vɛrnɛgi? (is bevoming say-not-you?): Can you not say?
    The interesting point in the Sadeh dialect is that this structure is also used instead of ‘maybe’:17. mešɛ berɛftɛ bɛde: (is becoming gone be-he/she): Maybe he/she has gone.
    Studying such functions in other dialects of the Iranian languages showed that the verb ‘become’ with the meaning of ‘go’ as a main motional verb is still highly used and verbs like ‘go’, ‘be’, and to a lesser extent the verbs ‘come’ and ‘fall’ are used as linking and auxiliary verbs. In some other cases, since the passive form does not have any analytic form and is synthetic, there is no need for using auxiliary verbs.
    Analyzing the historical changes of the verb ‘become’ showed that it is more grammatical now than in the ancient time, that is to say it turned from a main verb into an auxiliary verb and is used in this new usage in most of Khorasani dialects today. In some other dialects, the same happened to the verb ‘go’ and this verb has become more grammaticalized than it was once in the middle era and it is used as an auxiliary verb in some Khorasani dialects. Based on the findings, we can conclude that the Khorasani dialects in comparison with other Persian dialects and other varieties of Iranian languages are more distant to the ancient and middle Persian. At the same time, these dialects share many varieties with the modern Persian today.
    To sum up, in this article we described the function of the verbs ‘become’ and ‘go’ in some Persian Khorasani dialects and the changing of these functions since the ancient time up to the present time, but the reasons of such changes and differences in these dialects are not clear to us. This could be a subject for future research and studies.
    Keywords: Become, Go, Persian Dialects of Khorasan, Passive Verb, Modal Verb, Linking Verb
  • Hossein Moghani *, Shoja Tafakkori Rezayi Pages 191-216
    The present paper examines a phenomenon by means of which the main verb in yes-no questions in the spoken form of Persian can either optionally move to the front of the sentence or remain in-situ, intending to yield an interrogative interpretation. However, as the latest approaches to the study of the linguistic systems do not opt for optionality, the issue of the optionality of verb movement in such structures, which seems to be an unfortunate drawback, should be settled down in some way or another.
    More specifically, considering the theoretical framework of the paper, which is the feature checking mechanism within the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 1981; 1982; 1993; 1995; 2000; 2001a-b), the optionality of verb-preposing in yes-no questions entails a contradiction in terms of the two-valued feature strength in the feature checking theory. A feature should be either [ value] or [- value], and there is no in-between feature value. That is, a syntactic feature is either strong or weak, making the constituent it is associated with either move or remain in situ. Consequently, the optional movement of an element in syntax cannot be analyzed as having a strong and a weak feature simultaneously.
    To do away with this inconsistency regarding verb-preposing in yes-no questions in Persian, this paper proposes an alternative approach relying on the notion of Extended Projection Principle ([EPP]) feature. The EPP is considered by Chomsky (2000, 2000a) as a feature optionally assigned to the head of a syntactic phrase, providing the necessary impetus for the overt movement of such a projection or the constituent thereof. In fact, the EPP feature is taken to be a syntactic mechanism or a strong syntactic feature which induces the overt movement of a constituent to satisfy certain semantic and functional requirements.
    Turning to the Persian data, the adopted approach in this article considers checking the strong EPP-feature on the head of the focus phrase (FocP) as the trigger for verb-preposing in such constructions. In this approach, the difference between the verb fronting in yes-no questions, on the one hand, and its remaining in-situ, on the other hand, reduces to the optional selection of the EPP-feature from the lexicon by the head of the FocP. In the former case, after the verb has checked the strong EPP-feature on the head of FocP through movement to the Foco, it fails to move on to the head of CP due to the presence of the complementizer “ke” (that) on the Co. Subsequently, the [-Q] feature on the Co is matched with the [] feature of the verb through agree, hence checking the [-Q] feature of the Co. In the latter case, on the contrary, the [-Q] feature on the Co is checked against the [] feature on the verb through agree only, with no movement involved.
    Keywords: Yes-No Questions, Verb-Preposing, Optionality, Minimalist Program, EPP-Feature