نشریه تاریخ نامه ایران بعد از اسلام
پیاپی 16 (بهار و تابستان 1397)

The time of Nader Shah (1148-1160 H) is considered as the period of rebellions and continuous civil and foreign wars in the history of Persia, which followed the fall of the Safavid dynasty. This influenced the social and economic sectors in Iran. This study is supposed to indicate the effects of Nader Shah’s militarism policies on Iran foreign trade. It uses descriptive and explanatory methods to interpret the problem. One of the important discussions in Iran economy at the time of Nader Shah is the downturn of the Iran foreign trade, which was continued from the Safavid era. Due to Nader Shah’s militarism policies, the situations became worse and the high costs of his social-economic policies were obstacles to the economic growth. Nader’s militarism policies which led to getting high tax, demolishing the agricultural and economic foundations and internal insecurity, ended up with a decrease in the production of the principal export goods, i.e. silk and wool. Reduction of these commercial goods increased their prices, which in turn impacted the foreign trade of Iran. Overseas companies faced reduction in gaining benefit because of the internal situation of Iran. Therefore, their activities and communications with Iran decreased excessively.

There was no change in Iran's policy toward Georgia, when Fath Ali Shah (1212-1250 A.H/1798-1834 A.D) assumed the throne. Fath Ali Shah tried to follow Aqa Mohammad Khan's policy in keeping Georgia under Iranian domination. At First, he wrote to the Georgian king, Gorgin Khan (Georgi XII), asking him to renounce his pact [Georgievsk Treaty of 1783] with Russia, accept Iranian citizenship and remain on the throne [as a vassal of Iran]. Otherwise, he had to expect another invasion of his land [similar to that of Aqa Mohammad Khan in 1795]. Meanwhile, since Russia continued its efforts to take over the Caucasus and especially Georgia by sending troops to the region and spreading fear among the various khanates, Fath Ali Shah, in order to prevent the Russian encroachments, sent a number of letters to the khans and local governors of Georgia, Sheki, and Shirvan encouraging them to keep their historic ties with Iran to prevent Russia from taking over the Caucasus. Fath Ali Shah was not successful in preventing the separation of Georgia from Iran, despite all his efforts. Russia took advantage of Georgia's demands for autonomy from Iran at the end of the First Russo-Iranian War and managed to detach Georgia by the Treaty of Gulistan and made it part of the Russian Empire. This paper seeks to analyze the relations of Fath Ali Shah Qajar with the princes and emirs of Georgia through implementing a descriptive-analytical and documentary methods and using Persian and Russian documents. It tries to show Fath Ali Shah's and his governor's efforts, including Abbas Mirza, to have diplomatic relations with the rulers of the region in order to preserve the sovereignty of Iran in the Caucasus.

Derbent was known not only in the Safavid era, but also from the ancient times due to its neighborhood with the northern Dagestan and the nomads. It was also the gateway to the Caucasus, Arran and Iran. In the Safavid era, the importance of Derbent, in addition to its strategic position as a border town, was from the religious perspective. It was a place for immigration of Shiite Qizilbashes. The city was also on the way to the silk trade road of the Caucasus and Guilan, and traders traded their products from the port of this city with Russia or elsewhere. The first Safavid kings valued the city due to its importance in the Safavid administrative system; however, in the late Safavid era, many times Derbent witnessed the invasion of the Dagestanians, the Cossacks and the other tribes. The reason for this was the lack of attention from the Safavid government to preserve the border and strategic areas. According to the available reports, it can be concluded that Derbent has consistently been the key to conquering the Caucasus, Arran and Guilan by the invaders of northern Dagestan and Russia. Due to its geographic location, Derbent was Iran's land and sea trading center with Russia. The lack of attention of the rulers to this area had an adverse effect on Iran's political life. The purpose of this research is to investigate the effects of political and commercial roles of Derbent on the relationships between Iran and Russia during the Safavid era, especially its final periods.

The Bajalan were appointed as the guardians of western roads and borders by the central government during the Qajar era. This function along with the tendency of the mentioned tribe and the acceptance of citizenship of the central government are the results of reviewing the documents and correspondence exchanged between the Majid Khan Salar al-Soltan (the leader of Bajalan tribe and the Iranian government) during the height of World War I. The study seeks to illustrate the effects of the World War I and the role of border change on the political and economic life of the Bajalans. The present research tries to study the political, social and economic situations of Bajalan during the First World War using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on existing documents. The results of the research showed that the political and economic losses incurred by the Bajalans in this period arose from their resistance against the Ottoman government's request to accept its citizenship. Adhering to the spirit of nationalism and Iranianism by Majid Khan Salar al-Soltan aimed at provoking the Iranian government to obtain support.

Among the social groups of the Iran society during the Islamic period, Sadats were well placed in a number of cultural, social and political spheres due to their attachments with the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) and Ahlul Bayt. Considering the established status of Sadats in Iran society based on the components mentioned before, the establishment of the Qajar regime and the necessity for the Qajar dynasty to support Sadats to gain religious legitimacy during the period of the establishment of their government, this social group assumed a network of various roles. The present research tries to answer this question: what place, function, and relations did Sadats have in the Qajar era of Iran? The findings of this research showed that Sadats, along with extensive relations with the government and various social groups, were a different group that had various functions in the economic, social, cultural and political units, which were mainly due to the lack of social and political institutions in the Iran society, in the Qajar era. This led to the recognition of their roles as a mediating force by the government and the social groups.

This research is an attempt to clarify the methods of representing the crisis of Azerbaijan in the caricatures of Tehran Mossavar magazine by Pahlavi's modernism discourse in order to consolidate a particular understanding and narration of the national identity. To analyze twenty four caricatures of Tehran Mossavar magazine in the period from September 1945 to December 1946, the method of social semiotics was used. This method was implemented to study the system of signs such as symbols to understand the real facts of the crisis of Azerbaijan and the general attitude toward it. A review of the process of adding meaning to the caricatures based on three important representative, interactive and combinational meta-roles in the semantic approach of Kress and van Leeuwen showed that the deliberate Pahlavi discourse, imitating the symbolism of the Constitutional Revolution and Reza Shah consolidated that part of the components of national identity which provided national unity and the possibility of portraying Iran as a united nation with fixed boundaries. Conceivable and tangible symbols such as map, tree, motherland, history, and kings, etc., were used to this end. The meaningful silence of Tehran Mossavar with regard to ethnically distinctive symbols such as language and ethnicity, etc. was with the aim of denying the crisis in the self-awareness of the public regarding the collective identity built upon official nationalism. The use of symbols indicating conspiracy, hypocrisy and totalitarian traits of the leaders of the Tudeh party and the Democratic Party contributed to their alienation and prevented the sect from showing its goals consistent with the constitutional principles and constitutions. In the same way as the center, they benefited from the nationalist slogans to win the support and sympathy of the libertarians. The discourse of gender and violence in the iconography of caricatures in Tehran Mossavar with the instigation of national zeal opened the way for repressive and military operations in Azerbaijan to consolidate the concept of the authority of the Shah and the army, as the guarantors of the country's independence and national unity.

This study explains why Bahram Chobin’s rebellion against the Sassanid Hormizd IV (579-590 AD) has been recorded in the historical texts of the Ilkhanate era in an advisory approach. By referring to Bahram Chobin’s rebellion based on deterrent theory in history, the historians tried to warn the rulers that if they did according to justice and avoid unrighteous behaviors, they could prevent the insurgency of subordinates, politicians and Martials. Although some have criticized Chobin’s rebellion, most of them believed that the reason was unfair and unrighteous behaviors of Sassanid Hormizd; and thereby they urged the Ilkhanate not to repeat such a mistake. Based on a descriptive-analytic method to study the historical texts and some of the literary books of the Ilkhanate era, which are all library resources, the views of historians of this period about Bahram Chobin’s rebellion are examined. The results showed that although most historians were so-called courtiers, by referring to Chobin’s rebellion, they have tried to persuade Ilkhanate to rule according to the principles of justice and sound advices.

Drug is important in the treatment of epidemics and governments knew it .Hence, any government, in order to supply the drugs, according to its political and economic conditions, would adopt certain policies. The specific political, economic, and social conditions of the period between 1941 to 1953, such as the initiation of the World War II and the military occupation of Iran, lack of health infrastructure and the prevalence of epidemics, short-lived governments, shortages of the health budgets, and the economic crisis in the year 1952 pinpoint the importance of the pharmacological measures to be taken by the government authorities of that time. Given this importance, so far, no research has been done in this regard. The present paper attempts to rely on the available publications and employs an analytical method to answer the following questions: What policies did the then governments implement against the inflation, shortages, hoard, and counterfeit drugs? And to what extent did they succeed in overcoming these difficulties? The results obtained in this study indicated that the governments, to solve the crisis of drugs, took the following measures: establishment of the Pharmaceutical Department and the Department for preventing Hoard Medicines, establishment of pharmaceutical institutions, abolition of the drug monopoly and customs duties of peculiar drugs, monitoring the import and production of peculiar drugs, and the expansion of Razi institution and Pasteur Institute of Iran. These measures which were accompanied with the enactment of some laws and exercising severe punishments could not solve the drug problems in the long run and they were only of an instantaneous effect.