نشریه دانش های بومی ایران
پیاپی 8 (پاییز و زمستان 1396)

Changes two aspects of internal and external communities will be explored. The former refers to all the lived experiences of both overt and covert and rely on endogenous changes and second, Pre-built on the theoretical framework and impose a theory depends on the facts. Accordingly, in analyzing changes in the general sense of its social system, with a focus on "work" and "cooperation", with two different knowledge of indigenous knowledge and formal knowledge we face. Carefully theoretical background on the one hand and empirical records and later on the other hand looks Serious challenges caused by the gap between the "field" and "theory" in the sense of "work" and "cooperation" and thus pathology work culture and Iranian co-operation Serious challenges caused by the gap between the "field" and "theory" in the sense of "work" and "cooperation" and thus pathology work culture and Iranian co-operation. Keywords: Indigenous knowledge, work, cooperation, revolutionary institution of Jihad-e Sazandegi, collective work and actions of Iranian Yarygranh, anti-labor and anti-participatory organizations.

One of the more unknown wisdoms of the traditional agriculture and horticulture in the ancient civilizations which could invigorated agricultural fields for thousands years, probably, would be this diversity in cultivating different kinds of arable plants and trees in juxtaposed pieces (multi-cultivation), and co-cultivating arable plants in the same time and place (mixed-up cultivation), and also cultivating arable plants and trees altogether and planting different trees in the same place or close to each other. This is the same method that Nature has been selecting since million years ago to the present time, and the world agriculture until the domination of Capitalism by its insular and narrow-minded perspective, i.e. the most interest in the least time and by each price, to some extent, has paid attention to it. These methods are thoroughly opposed to the modern mono-cultivation and macro-cultivation of the arable Capitalism.

Organizational resilience (OR) as a change capacity & adaptability to environmental challenges is a concept, which has been considered by scholars in the last two decades. Cognitive Resilience (CR) as prerequisite of OR, is a mental process for remembering, understanding, analyzing and applying them for decision-making, problem-solving and responding to the environmental changes and it is important. Since previous researches have focused more on cognitive, behavioral & affective resilience’s what and why, the purpose of this research was presenting an application pattern for answering to this question that how the level of organization’s CR could be changed by Iranian entrepreneur’s indigenous knowledge (IK) based on dimensions & important indexes. This research is qualitative & narrative that its method is discourse analytical method based on deep targeted interviews. The results of 10 established entrepreneur’s living experience & 2 entrepreneurship researchers, who have had resilient experience in their work or business mentorship showed how entrepreneur’s IK & conceptual knowledge based on the hierarchical property of systems theory, lead to cognitive innovation in three stages: A. Hard cognitive resilience includes sub-processes remembering & understanding; B. Soft cognitive resilience includes sub-processes application, analysis & evaluation; C. Conviction cognitive resilience includes sub-process innovation. Based on this finding, since the CR as an organizational behavior is a type of collective learning (such as adaptability & proactively), we suggested entrepreneurs analyze this important construct as an underlying assumption of organizational culture during business model reinventing for realizing OR.

The present paper studies the local and traditional food system of baloch residents in Damen village. The purpose of this study is to describe the food system of these people, determine and evaluate its constitutive elements and mechanisms exist in this traditional food system. The present study has been carried out using the qualitative method of ethnography and in it the techniques such as interviews, observation and participatory observation have been used. Our study in this traditional system represents a significant impact on the natural environment of residents, as well as the involvement of cultural and social factors in shaping a native food system in this region. In fact, in this close relationship between food and natural, cultural, social and economic factors, a set of concepts is constantly produced and reproduced, which eventually led to the identification of local cuisine and village residents. In general, by examining the whole mentioned factors, some kind of food culture has become prominent among the people of the village, which has been the basis for identifying and distinguishing this people from other parts.

Bukan in Iranian architecture has several applications. Geography and environment determine bukan’s structure. In Yazd province, according to geographical location, bukans are divided into several categories. Each of these types of bukans is based on its functional structure in the heart of the earth. The shepherds' bukans, according to the temporary nature and just keeping the livestock, have their own specific structure. Perhaps the shepherd did not benefit from it for several months and then migrated to another place due to the lack of forage in the plain. Human bukans, dating back to history, are usually excavated on the edge of the rivers. These types of bukans have a better architecture because of the location of human settlements. In this article, due to the fact that our approach is the bukans of the Qatqans, we have studied more in this subject. Although in terms of the physical and functional nature of the bukans of Qantas can be considered a kind of residence. But due to the temporary residence of these spaces, there are a number of specific architectural requirements and features that are discussed in this article. It goes without saying that some rural qanats or qanats with a long stream been used for pre-utilization and for living for days when the moqanians work in qanat. The shepherd's bukan and moqanians bukan are among the most prominent cases in the city of Ardakan, Yazd, which are discussed in this article as appropriate

Pângan or cup is made of copper or brass, and has a small hole at its bottom. It could be placed in a large container filled with water, and water from the cup hole to it in order to finally dip the cup. When the Pâng filled, it called one “Pâng”. This is the most traditional timeline for the Iranians, which undoubtedly has a lifetime of Qanat. The person who does this is called “Pângir” or “Pângu”, and the place is called the Pângkhaneh. Though Pângan and its terms have been important effect on the local cultures, but in the rural documents have been less paid. Indeed, how was the Pângu selected? How did the farmers know about their quota? When could they leave Pângkhaneh at some point? Where were the locations of them? And what were their uses? And how many Pângkhaneh are in the country now? What is the difference between a place to another place in their Pâng? How did Pâng and its number mention in the marriage certificate (focus on Borkhar area)? And can local and rural documents _marriage certificate, etc._ be a path for better understand the issues ahead? This research is based on references to library resources and authentic local and field documents, and oral interviews with local farmers and the latest Pângu, who once reminded the Pângir and remember something about it, and discover and observe the latest available Pângkhaneh.