نشریه پژوهشهای سیاسی جهان اسلام
سال هشتم شماره 2 (پیاپی 27، تابستان 1397)

The present study aimed to identify and prioritize the bases and grounds for joining militants to the ISIL terrorist group. The statistical population of the experts and professors of the humanities specialties was Sociology, Political Sciences, Middle East Studies and Terrorism, which were selected by a sampling of 30 Iranian students. Theoretically, Arendt, Taeffel, Springs, Macs theory was used. Also, T-test and Friedman tests were used to analyze the data. The results of the research showed that four main areas were identified as the most important milestones in joining militants to ISIL: class divisions with an average of 15.20, economic inequality (14.77), alienation and Islamophobia in the west (13.95), and the identity crisis (13.68). The second group, in terms of importance (from the perspective of respondents), includes discrimination (job, income, employment, service, skills and training of immigrants) (12.15), disappointment in improving living conditions (12.13), frustration and failure In achieving the goals of the future (11.83), the rejection of Western hegemony (11.57) and socioeconomic inequality (10.90), relative deprivation (9.97), social exclusion and neglect (7.67), social alienation (7.35), marginalization (7.03), poverty (6.40) and unemployment (5.68).

Iran and Turkey have had good relations since the Atatürk era and Turkey, despite the existence of competition and cross-sectoral tensions. Even with the Islamic Revolution and the coming of a religious government, relations between Iran and the secular state of Turkey were maintained at a moderate level. It was expected that Islamic relations with Turkey would be better suited to the rise of Islamists in Turkey in the early 2000s. But in recent years, especially after the Islamic awakening, there were tensions between Iran and Turkey, which was unprecedented in its kind. What is the question behind this research in response to this is what is the main reason for the increase of rivalries and tensions between Iran and Turkey over the last 15 years? In response and using the role theory, it is said that the two countries of Iran and Turkey, based on their identity, historical, ideological and geographic sources, have defined their role in foreign policy in the Middle East in a manner that contributes to the competition between the two countries Gets The Iranian and Turkish decision-makers' perception of their role in the region is that they should play roles such as "protecting the oppressed", "mediator", "model", and the like, which in the best case will cause competition and, at worst, cause Confrontation between the two sides. In this regard, the three roles of "leadership", "defending Islam" and "pattern" have created more tensions.

The structural look at explaining the occurrence of revolutions within the framework revolutionary theory is one of the most important approaches of researchers to the field of revolutionary studies. With the advent of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, these scholars turned their attention to the revision of Iran's revolution.
One of the most prominent of these people in this approach is Theda Skocpol, who introduced the theory of Rantier government and Shiite Islam about the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to" compare the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1979) and the Egyptian revolution (2011)" based on the Skocpol theory model.it seeks to answer the question of whether Skocpol theory can explain the Iranian-Egyptian revolution.
The method used in this research is a historical comparison and is also used by the library source. The results showed that the Egyptian revolution in some area is consistent with the Iranian revolution based on Skocpol theory and in some respects there are significant differences, so based on these differences, the Egyptian revolution could not pass the Islamic Revolutionary circuit and become a social revolution.

In this paper, we examine the global geopolitical shocks and dangers (the United States of America) and play an important role in economic policies and economic management in the Islamic Republic of Iran. We estimated the variance of structural models for the country. The results indicate that political geopolitical shocks explain the unparalleled contribution of the variety of production to the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The average share of outbound movements due to global geopolitical shocks is between 13% and 22%. However, the blunt responses to geopolitical shocks vary widely in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The preliminary results show that unexpected increase in geopolitical risks reduces actual production, consumption and investment. In particular, the peak consumption and investment rates are 0.8% and 2.2%, respectively. The real exchange rate is down by more than two percent (the improvement in trade balance is about 0.4%). Generally, the average output is reduced by about one percent. The result of the increased risk of geopolitics has led to a real decline in the exchange rate, and suggests that emerging economies are investing after a geopolitical risk. The trade balance improves when the real exchange rate falls, but recovery is not large enough to determine the impact on consumption and investment.

Popular upheavals and regional developments in the Islamic world began in 2011, which began with the uprising of the Tunisian people, and then spread to other countries in the Arab world, including Egypt, Bahrain and Yemen. Major changes in the periphery of Iran were considered. Which affects the national security of the various countries of the region, including Iran.
This paper, by descriptive-analytical method, attempts to explore the opportunities and threats of developments in the Arab world for the national security of Iran and, in this regard, seeks to answer the question of what opportunities, challenges and Threats to the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran?
Developments in the West Asia region due to their specific characteristics have always been important components of national security of Iran. Despite different patterns and processes, popular uprisings have been undergone in two directions or at two levels: major changes in the level of West Asia and North Africa Creates. The first is the transformation of political structures and systems within countries and the creation of new patterns of legitimacy at the level of political systems and, second, the transformation of the level of structure and balance of power among regional actors. These two levels of security components within countries and political and security arrangements will change the situation of the region for Iran and will result in new variables and perspectives in the security environment of Iran. Based on this, Iran's national security has seen opportunities (for example, designing and strengthening new patterns of political legitimacy, changing political systems in the public order as well as creating new political and security arrangements at the regional level) and threats such as filling politics Conflict between regional and global rivals.

Components such as soft power are considered as inevitable part of process of protection in all countries within the international political realm creating the infrastructure necessary for providing soft power. The present research was conducted to identify the capacity of the Islamic Republic of Iran to make soft power and to employ opportunities in order to impact the international relations. The review of authentic resources, and past research and employment of expert comments based on descriptive and survey methods were all the steps taken in conducting this research. In order to analyze data the descriptive – inferential statistics along with SPSS software were used. The statistical universe consisted of 40 individuals from among scholars of Tehran universities on the field. The indexes relative to soft power were determined to be sixteen items according to their level of effectiveness on the national strength of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In the cultural dimension, Iran's cultural situation had the highest level of effectiveness regarding our ancient civilization, in the economic dimension, Iran's relative predominance in producing and distributing a specific goods, and in the political dimension, the solidarity and national trust had the highest level of impaction. Regarding the obtained results and opportunities, it can be pointed to the expansion of national profits in the international level, national power increase, representation of a positive picture of the Islamic Revolution to other nations, establishment of agreement, promotion of security level through public participation in different stages, the increase of geopolitic influence in the region and in the world, reproduction of the resistance concept specifically among the regional nations, and playing the determining role within regional and international interactions and finally, it was concluded that the opportunities to create soft power have contributed to promote the security level of the Islamic Republic of Iran..

Transnational terrorism is a form of terrorism which attempts to influence more than one country through various possible connections. Few empirical studies conducted about transnational terrorism seek to create a relationship between the sources of transnational terrorism and other identified variables. Therefore, due to the increase of the criminal actions and terrorist attacks in MENA member countries during recent years, this paper was aimed at the investigation of spatial effects of the two mentioned categories on the military expenditures of the selected countries during the period from 2003 to 2016 using spatial panel regression model. The results of the study confirmed the existence of the spatial spillovers so that the occurrence of terrorism in a country has a positive and significant impact on both terrorism and the military expenditures of the neighboring country. Also, the distinction between direct and indirect effects in this study suggested that the indirect effects of terrorism phenomenon were greater than its direct effects. In addition, based on the analysis of the estimation outputs, the findings of the study indicated that criminal actions had no significant effect on the military expenditures which expressed the fact that there was no spatial spillovers between criminal actions and military expenditures as well.

In the history of Islamism in Afghanistan, the political philosophical discourse of the "caliphate" has been one of the most important and most effective form of political Islam in this country. The present article seeks to demonstrate how the political Islam of the caliphate in Afghanistan has been integrated in the framework of the theory of discourse analysis and what identity it has achieved. The findings show that the political Islam of the caliphate in Afghanistan has always been under the skin of politics and power in Afghanistan, but it has become a major discourse in the political and social life of the country during the period between 1881 and 1919 and since 1996. During these periods, in general, the instruction of "caliphate" has been centered in the focal point of the discourse, and, at the same time, formulated the concepts such as Islamic Emirate, Amir al-Momenin, Sharia, tradition, jihad, Pashtunism, security and the world-wide community within itself. The political Islam of the caliphate has competed at this stage in revival with other political discourses of the political Islam and outside the dialogues, and at some levels has succeeded in conquering power in Afghanistan as the hegemonic discourse. This discourse lost its credibility in both periods due to its linkage and mixing with ethnic elements and extremism, and was marginalized and was hegemonic against the hegemonic liberal-democratic nationalist discourse.

With the encounter of various civilizations with the apparent layers of Western civilization and its observation, the scholars of nations have always sought to explain the causes of its stunning and sometimes the decadent of its civilization. The approaches of the indigenous thinkers of different nations to the West can be taken in three categories: adoption of Western civilization, withdrawal of Western civilization and finding a way to fit native conditions. This paper seeks to compare the ideas of Fukotsawa and Malik Ibn Nabi with the two Japanese and Muslim thinkers who are both born in the post-Enlightenment West with their views on their civilization and their relationship with the West. The two seek to find a native answer to solve their civilization problems and belong to the third group. Fukotsawa believes that Japanese civilization must have wisdom in front of Western civilization, and out of prejudice and in accordance with the principles of Japanese civilization offers a native way. Malik Ibn Nabi also, considering the essence of Islam and its effect on the civilization of the Muslim world, believes that religious civilization should be defended against imported and secular civilization. The research question is based on the ideas of Fukotsawa and Malik Ibn Nabi, with regard to native conditions, how we can find a way out of the current conditions of the Third World countries and pave the way for these countries to embark on a new civilization process without losing national and religious identities? The research hypothesis is that Fukotsawa (the pioneer of Japan's civilization advancement) and Malik Ibn Nabi, the theorist of Islamic civilization, both have reform thinking and seek to find a suitable way based on the native conditions that do not intend to merely adopt or reject.