فصلنامه سازمان های بین المللی
سال دوم شماره 1 (پیاپی 5، بهار 1393)

A Constructivist Study of International Organizations Homeira Moshirzadeh Associate Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science; Tehran University Theoretical attitudes to international organizations provide a basis for presenting suitable questions and meaningful and systematic research. Constructivist approach as an analytical and conceptual framework, is a suitable basis for studying international organizations. This article while focusing on the theoretical foundations of constructivism and its research plan indicates that how this approach can guide research on international organizations. Constructivism can pave the way for further research on international organizations, given the issues such as interrelationship between agent and structure, inter subjectivity, relationship between rules and leadership, rule-setting, reproducing and changing rules, identity-building and organizational culture. This article shows that how some of these research possibilities have been exploited in research projects and what subjects could be explored in studying international organizations.

The analysis of international organizations and institutions, peace, security and justice based on contending theories, in different ontological, epistemological and methodological frameworks, can help us to achieve a better understanding of the concept of international relations and demonstrates a more realistic picture of international institutions, processes and events. Obviously, the precise analysis of phenomena and events largely depends on the above strengths and weaknesses of mainstream and critical theories in explaining the above mentioned concepts.

The global financial crisis of 2008 has had many effects on different global issues, especially on international monetary management. These effects manifested themselves in applying some reforms in governance, borrowing system and monetary resources of the International Monetary Fund. Considering the importance of developing countries in this system, and because of the measures being taken to respond to the consequences of the crisis, this article is going to depict the place and role of such countries in the post-crisis IMF.Therefore, while explaining the crisis of 2008 by a descriptive-analytical method and its different global consequences, we study the post crisis developments in the IMF. Then, by analysing the envisioned reforms in the system by developing countries and illustrating different situations regarding the financial independence of the IMF, we examine the position of developing countries in global economic management system and their approaches toward international monetary management. The analysis of the post-crisis measures shows us that the reforms in IMF have not made substantial changes in the favour of developing countries and in the process mostly some emerging economies have gained a better position.

The Security treaty concluded by Australia, New Zealand and the United States (ANZUS) in September 1951 in San Francisco with the aim of ensurity securing in the Pacific. Issues such as the expansion of communism in Southeast Asia, potential threat by Japan's military power, and constitutional crises prevalent in the new independent countries were posing a threat for regional security following the World War II. The main question discussed by this article is about the survival of this treaty even after the end of the Cold War, Generally, this treaty has based its strategy on confronting hegemonic policies pursued by China, Russia and facing potential threats posed by them or increasing influence exerted by them in the Pacific region.

During the early years fllowing the Second World War, power sharing in the Security Council, the main responsible for maintaining international peace and security was to some extent equitable, given the Political, economic, military and demographic power of its five permanent members and their efforts to from the UN system. With the passage of time and given fundamental changes in the form and straucture of international system, and trasfor mation in the relative power of countries including the permanent members of Security Council, it seems that the present order governing the structure of the Council is unfair and undemocratic which necessitates a reform in the structure of the Security Council by incorporating influential global and regional powers. This article aims to present a pluralistic model to reform the structure of the Security Council, given the emergence of new global and regional powers.

The relationship between the United States and the International Criminal Court is a combination of confrontation and tension in various aspects, including legal considerations, political, national and security concerns and strategic interests. The existing tensions in relationship with the International Criminal Court have accentuated at some points and the United States has actively challenged the Court's existence. However, the challenges didn’t last for a long time, and at the end of George W. Bush’s presidency– recognizing the inherent values and potentialities of creating an International Criminal Court and the necessity to keep it– confrontations and tensions faded in favor of a constructive interaction. In the years which passed– especially during the administration of Barack Obama– the attitudes and the positions of the US towards the International Criminal Court have experienced a fundamental and comprehensive change and the United States is trying to compensate for the past measures, and to increase the interactions and cooperation with the International Criminal Court and to recognize its existence and capacity as an important international judicial institution in prosecuting the international violent crimes and to restart the relations with the International Criminal Court.

The European Union accounts for 19.7 percent of global trade in 2014. The EU with €1794 billion imports and €1687 billion of exports as well as absorbing some €523 billion foreign direct investments, the EU has gained the first position in these matters. The EU performs this large volume of trade in the framework of a special regulatory policy called the Common Trade Policy of the European Union. Now that the EU has been transformed into the world's largest trading power, we might ask what is the strategy of EU trade policy? What set of tools are being used to move it forward and what are its decision-making structures and mechanisms? And what are the main objectives of this policy? Given the importance of knowing the dimensions of the Europe Union's trade policy for the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the EU’s trade partners, this article seeks to identify and analyze the implementation of the EU common trade policy mechanism and its various aspects. by discussing the answers to the above questions This article is a descriptive analysis and makes use of inferential research methodology to reach its objectives.