فصلنامه آفاق امنیت
پیاپی 7 (تابستان 1389)

The Islamic Revolution of Iran، created a new form of power equation in the international policy. This was organized on the basis of the ideological symptoms and measures and the political structure of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. On the other side، it can be emphasized that many of the factors and symptoms of security building in Iran count as a reaction to the international، regional، and internal threats. So، the discourse on I. R. I national security is associated with the ideological-structural symptoms and factors on the one side، and can also be considered a reaction to the various. security threats of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the other This article tries for security-building related factors to be considered through “the discourse on resistance”. This discourse is considered as oneof the factors of power-building against the threats. On the other side، it can be emphasized that the discourse on I. R. I. national security against various levels of threats is founded on exploiting the factors of soft power. The discourse on resistance counts as a symbol of soft power in the course of. security building، as well as in countering security threats Due to the fact that the discourse on I. R. I national security is of an asymmetric nature، it should be evaluated under the title of “culture-based asymmetry”. This approach has been offered by theorists like Keegan and Huntington. On the basis of this approach، every country and political system has its own specific perception of threat and security، the threats being countered based on that country”s identity and cultural factors. This emphasizes making “distinctions between countries” in terms of strategic and security behavior. This article tries to notice and analyze the relationship between soft power and culture-based asymmetric action in order to. counter the threats in I. R. I security policy

Iran’s political developments in 1388، paved the ground for the development of strategic and security literature. It was in this way that issues such as soft threat، soft power، and soft war came to be considered. Generally speaking، the facts of international policy from the ancient times indicate that there had also existed features of «soft war» in parallel with local، national، and regional conflicts fought with war instruments. In this regard، Sun Tzu counts as the first theorist who presented his ideas 400 before Christ. This indicates that although strategic literature has been enhanced، its intellectual infrastructures and thoughts have remained constant to a great extent. The conflicting strategies to soft warfare indicate that this approach will have various and different behavior patterns. Every executive agent makes use of a specific paradigm. Of the ancient theorists who have presentedarguments about soft war، a reference can be made to Sun Tzu، Jomini، Clausewitz، and Liddell hart. It was many years before Christ to «the age of classic strategy» that they managed to present their approaches about various political، psychological، social، and strategic issues. In the modern age، one can refer to the approaches and literature presented by the modern strategists who developed the issue of soft war in the form of social processes، capturing minds، organizing the ideas، surprising andultimately the soft threats. Among these scholars are Joseph Nye، Campbel، Cooper، and Richard Hass. The above mentioned theorists considered a specific behavior pattern in strategic conflicts. Whereas the Islamic Republic of Iran is subject to soft war، so it is necessary to consider the operationaland executive reflections of such approaches. Each of the conflicting approaches to soft war constitutes part of the reality of strategic behavior. In this regard، the literature of soft war can be consideredon the basis of the models of strategic thought in the modern age. Such concepts can be known to be the intellectual infrastructure of political subversion. Soft war reflects some features of the conflict and influencing the political power through non-military means. This article rethinks the reflection of the different approaches of strategic thinking in soft war، and its effects in the processes of the actors” security competition. It is understandable that the most important object of this article is for the effects of conflicting approaches to soft war on the security of the Islamic Revolution of Iran to be examined. It follows that “the comparative approach in explaining soft war” can be considered as the “theoretical framework” of the present article.

The diversity of ethnic groups in contemporary societies، due to their identity differences with political systems، is a potential force that can weaken national integrity، as well as a threat to social solidarity. This manifests a more acute perspective in Middle East country. So، the political systems governing the societies that enjoy an ethnic diversity pursue a variety of policies from identification to pluralism. The question of ethnicity and the hypothesis of weakening of national security especially in Middle Eastcountries have transformed into a hypothesis that is generalizable in analyzing racial relations and political sovereignty. However، the historical continuation of the country and the government with the participation of different peoples and their integrity in Iran indicates that this hypothesis is vulnerable and not generalizable. It is such that the ethnic diversity in Iran due to ecological structure of such groups، and the continuity of this diversity in the structure of the Iranian people is not only weakening the national security، but also makes the concept of country stable and consistent. This article tries to perform an autopsy in the body of different peoples residing in Iran and the ethnic variety in the structure of the Iranian people and its relation with national security as an emergent phenomenon by using a descriptive-analytical approach and a library method.

A consideration to how social security is achieved in a country، and subsequently the way transformation is conceived in the area of security concepts related to social security makes it necessary to redefine the concept of security in a more precise manner. With new studies having been developed in the area of social security، this article tries to answer this question of what the ways are for realizing social security، and of what role the hardware and software mechanisms will play in realizing the above objective. To answer these two questions، the research hypothesis considers therealization of social security as subject to optimization of both internal and external control mechanisms. The present article addresses this issue by beginning with the autopsy of concepts related to social security، continuing it by explaining its factors in theoretical framework. It categorizesthe factors into macro and micro factors within two approaches، namely opportunity building and threat building. Finally، it addresses the ways of providing social security by studying the internal control mechanisms (in both hardware and software form)، and external control mechanisms (in software form).

Considering the fact that the Occupation Regime is an occupier in nature and has ignored the undisputable rights of the principal residents of the occupied Palestine، the Zionist regime has been suffering from internal security crisis from the very establishment of the Jew State. Nonetheless، thisregime deemed foreign and peripheral threats to be as the main dangers threatening it، not essentially considering the internal crises and the fightings launched by the Palestinian groups، especially those residing in the occupied regions، as posing a serious and considerable threat to it. However، the formation of Intifada and the continuation of its activities challenged the identity of the Zionist regime which relies on three fundamental components (emigration، security، and economy)، forcing the regime to spend part of its power capacity for countering this crisis، and driving the promotion of its expansionist ideas، especially in the Middle East، to run into serious problems. It is specifically important to study the extent and dimensions of Intifada”s effects on the Zionist regime as a variable that has its effect on the security of the region. Hence، this article addresses this issue in a descriptivehistorical manner.

Undoubtedly، the most important micro strategy of Turkey”s state and community is to be admitted into the European Union. Attaining this aspiration، which is regarded as impossible by a few، has haunted the minds of the western statesmen of this country for more than four decades. Due to its traditional pro-west orientation، gaining an international prestige، and most importantly securing long-term economical interests، Turkey has invariably been willing to join the European Union. This aspiration is so strong that in the modern history of Turkey (from the end of the Ottoman government on)، the most important problem in formulating its internal and foreign policies has been to realize its long held hope، namely being admitted into the European Union. Whether the governing body in Turkey includes the Islamists (Justice and development party) or the Laic and secular rightwing mainstreams like “Anavatan Partisi” (Motherland Party)، “Dogru Yol Partisi” (True Path Party)، or the Laic and Orthodox left-wing currents like the Republican Peoples” Party، it has not affected the ideal of joining the European Union. However، despite the successive concessions conferred by Turkey on European Union and the Europe”s need for this country، we find that many of European statesmen have prevented this dream from being realized، by speaking about the role of religious distinctions between the Moslem Turkey and the European Christian club. This article has considered factors like the question of the Kurds، themilitary”s interference in policy، the violation of human rights، the fact that the economic condition in Turkey is more undesirable than that in the European Union، Turkey”s divisions with Armenia، and the crisis in Cyprus as supplementary hypotheses. However، the main hypothesis sought by the present writing doesn”t see a near term outlook for the joining of Turkey to the European Union. Consideringthe main hypothesis in this research، it follows that this writing should address the various dimensions like policy، history، and specifically the Europeans” negative mentality towards Islam. Therefore، for this reason the method for testing the main hypothesis will be based on historical، analytical، confirmatory، and comparative methods. In terms of the theoretical framework، the constructivist theory emphasizes the role played by identity.

The term “Pakistani Taliban” is a rather new concept. Before now، the words “radical forces and/or religious people” were used to describe the Pakistani Taliban. The term “Pakistani Taliban” became popular in political، media، and diplomatic forums in two years ago when the above said forces left the valley for Islam Abad in order to capture the capital. From then on، many questions were raised as to “what” the Pakistani Taliban is. The present article admits that there are various factors in giving birth to the Pakistani Taliban in three levels، namely internal، regional and international. It is important to examine these factors because the Taliban in Pakistan are one of the most complicated social، cultural، political، and security forces in this country and even in the South Asia، who، as a rather newphenomenon، are less talked and heard about، and thereby pose a threat to Pakistan”s internal security، as well as regional and international security. To offer a more precise explanation، the present article uses the approach of the General Systems Theory as a theoretical framework. Then، after introducing the typology of Pakistan”s Taliban، it sets out to examine the internal، regional، and international factors that contribute to its forming، by using a descriptive-analytical method. The results of the research showed that: Vahhabi and Divbandi ideologies، the specific geographic situation، the political، social، economical، and cultural conditions in Pakistan، especially in the state situated in theNorthwest border and the tribal region are the most important factors that contributed to the birth of the Pakistani Taliban. Pakistan”s Taliban continue to be supported by I. S. I as a strategic means، as well as as one that serves as a back-up to Afghanistan”s Taliban. Opening religious schoolstogether with the growth of radical ways of thinking prompted by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan as well as Saudi”s financial aids to radical groups and implanting the Ahab ideology in the minds of Afghani Sunni youths has had a decisive effect in the increasing growth of radicalism. Also، the presence of the West and، most importantly، the United States of America in Afghanistan and Pakistan under the pretext of fighting the Russians، followed by the supports given to Taliban، has had a determining role in developing Taliban، which generated violent approaches in the region following the change in strategy which culminated in countering Taliban.