فصلنامه پژوهش های راهبردی سیاست
پیاپی 25 (تابستان 1397)

After World War II, world order was based on two basic principles of thought and value and a practical basis (military and political). The first was the claim of the supremacy and value of the West and its consolidation on other nations. The second point was the issue of political and military capabilities. If nations or governments were not affected by that system of value and thought and did not surrender, they were forced to accompany by political and military pressures.Both factors are changing today; the most important reason is the intellectual and practical conflicts of the domination system.
This research focuses on the views of the Iranian leader about the system of domination and its conflicts, the main question is: What are the conflicts of domination system in international relations in practical termswith the theoretical field, in the discourse of Ayatollah Khamenei? "Results of the study indicate the contradictions of the dominant system in theory and practiceon issues like human rights, terrorism, weapons of mass destruction and democracy. In discourse of Iranian leader, these contradictions revealed the vulnerability of the domination systemand it will facilitate the process of collapse.

The Middle East is changing. More actors and factors also influenced its changes, which has added to the complexity of the issues.These undetermined and vague conditions have led to different scenarios, which could figure out the future of the Islamic countries and the Middle East in general. So in this article, this main question is answered, future trends of democracy in the Middle East by 2025, will have what effects on the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran?.In response to the main question, by reviewing the future study of future trends of democracy in the Middle East, a questionnaire was designed within the framework of the theory of constructivism and Delphi method, and was distributed among of experts and specialists. Then, by guiding with leadership team, the Delphi questionnaire data were analyzed. Then the results and opinions of the experts and respondents to the questions were analyzed qualitatively and four main scenarios were obtained which includes the rule of religious democracy, secularism, Salafism and the military, autocratic monarchy and ethnic governments.Finally, the most favorable scenario and the most threatening scenario for the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran were detected and solutions presented.

With start the coercive war, specially cities war, the everyday life of Iranian people arrived to a new level of perpetual stress. Since political system was responsible to run the problem of the war so it had arrived into the everyday life. This situation and how its effects and emerge its meaning on the lived experience of the member of the society of Iran is the central problem of this investigation. The cites war was bed of many social and political problems because it involved none-military people with the war. In order to understand this cause, and with due attention to temporal and locality distance, phenomenological attitude can be useful. Thus, we generally concentrate on that lived experience of people from the phenomenon of cities war become clear. At this frame, it is our cause that how cities war caused to appear everyday life as a political situation in Iranian lived experience. Our main answer is that war had caused that social organism of life, everyday life, cities war and politic transcend from usual borders and provide bed and condition of mobilization political to mix them with each other for political system.

Azerbaijan, one of south Caucasus countries, is very important for Iran because of its geopolitics and geo-economics’ features. In spite of existence convergence background between both countries, we witness divergence between them. Main question: During 2000-2016 which factors impact on divergence between Iran and Azerbaijan? Main Hypothesis: It seems economy-security-military factors are main factors that impact on divergence between two countries that regional and Trans-regional actors use them as influence tools for restriction of Iran’s influence scope in the region and threat of Iran. This article use analytical – description methods base on new data so that propose opportunities for foreign policy of Iran.

This article tries to address the issues of the eleventh presidential election, and discusses the conduct of Dr. Hassan Rouhani's election discourse as a candidate for the presidential election of the eleventh period, and to answer by means of discourse analysis method the question of "how the hegemony of the discourse of moderation in the eleventh presidential election is explained? In this research, our claim is that t The claim of the article is that the components of the victorious candidate discourse in the eleventh presidential election are more based on the diverse articulation of different slogans, myths and alteration in its relation to the discourse governing the tenth government, the availability and credibility of the discourse of moderation in society and having a political subjectivity can be analyzed. The findings of this paper show that the discourse of moderation in the discursive struggle was more hegemonic due to the position of subjectivity and political subjectivity, more active and coherent, the use of the process of marginalization and highlighting, more effective access and credibility than other competing discourses.

Discourse analysis is related to space as well as text; according to Henri Lefebvre space can be accompanied by three concepts of Dominance, Creation, and Adjustment. In Iran’s heterogeneous lands with diverse identities, based on geographical, structural, and meaningful traits of time, a discourse will be started which according to its meaning system will make a kind of dominant pattern. This little discourses in different regions, based on their space, are in accordance or discordance with each other. The major viewpoints: Security, Economics, Political, and Cultural lead into organizing cause and effect in a discourse analysis caused by administrative divisions. The main question of this study is that based on heterogeneous lands in different states of Iran and major discourse in administrative divisions, how cause and effects on regional basis lead us to harmony? In desired organization of space, the main reason of main discourse must have such power that the dominance caused by it could keep marginal regions in close relations in order to re-articulation of buoyant reasons in a chain, make room for more harmony.

Islamic movements in the last two centuries in the Islamic world, especially after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, have raised many questions about their nature and their actions. After the new Arab revolutions in the region and the recruitment of violent religious groups, it has become a widespread concern for the international system and global analysts. Meanwhile, one of the main questions is the understanding of their view of general satisfaction or the use of force and the conquest of the establishment of a religious government and its maintenance and survival.
In this paper, by comparing the views of Imam Khomeini and Sayyed Qutb, two contemporary revolutionary thinkers of the Islamic world, on republicanism and despotism, and the attention to the theoretical foundations and historical sources, and their reflection on the movements affected by each of these two views. And it turns out that the element of violence is to look at the negation of republicanism and the legitimacy of despotism. Imam Khomeini's positive attitude toward republicanism and the rejection of violence has led Islamic groups affected by the Islamic Revolution and Imam Khomeini to have a democratic and largely peaceful approach to their political encounters; on the contrary, a negative attitude toward republicanism and the acceptance of violence in the way of creation of an Islamic state by Sayyed Qutb has led to the formation and expansion of the spirit of militarism and zealot among his followers.

This article examines different aspects of Pakistani Baloch nationalism and its impact on Iranian Baloch who inhabit in Sistan-Balochistan province. The importance of this issue in one hand, is based on deeply ideological, religious, ethnic and sometimes security developments in Iran's border areas, and on the other hand, in the east and southeast Iran, there is a country, that is Pakistan, in which fundamental, anti-Shia, ethnic, and ideological groups have existed. In the article, based on Emile Durkheim’s concept of mechanical solidarity, we intend to analyze the historical and social formation of Baloch in Pakistan and its impact on ethnic fragmentation in the eastern borders of Iran. The findings reveal that based on Durkheim's concept of mechanical solidarity, Pakistani Baloch has inspired Iranian Baloch ethnically and ideologically, and despite their varieties in terms of practical mechanism, Pakistani Baloch generally desire the formation of the Great Balochistan. Base on the aspiration, some groups are branched Baloch are inclined to military modus operandi so that they can the eastern areas of Shiite Iran and attract Baloch who live in Sistan-Baluchistan province. Based on this aspiration, some branches of the Baloch tribal elite even went to the military direction, while insecuring the Eastern regions of Iran, attract Baluchis living in Sistan and Baluchistan province.

Efficiency is one of the vital issues of the Islamic Republic. The theorizing of this field is at the beginning of the way, and this fact has created important problems at various levels of theoretical and decision-making, executive, selection and evaluation processes. The present study, by designing a comprehensive system approach, analyzes the application, significance and advantages of this approach in relation to the efficiency of this system. I believe that the efficiency of the Islamic Republic requires a scientific model based on indigenous indicators, with a realistic and comprehensive approach to all elements of the idea, structure, brokerage, behavior, and internal processes and cultural, social, economic and international systems around the political system, to respond to all Effective dimensions. The application of a comprehensive system approach, with all these variables, plays a privileged role in the conceptualization, processes and evaluation of the efficiency of this system and the realization of the "pure life" as the main destination of the Islamic Revolution.

This article seeks to answer the question of which layers and elements are the cultural identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the document "Elements of Iranian National Identity"? The achievements of this research show that cultural identity in the document of the elements of Iranian national identity consists of two layers of Islamic cultural identity including elements such as spirituality and monotheism, Islam and the religion of Shiism and Quranic education, cultural convergence, the elimination of oppression and oppression, Ordinary, ethics, customs, and traditions, the practice of the Prophet's sake, is the never-ending justice, expectation and historical mission of the Iranian people, and the cultural identity of Iranians including elements such as cultural heritage and ritual, Iranian architecture, Scholars and science-friendship, Iranian history, defense of the land, memory and collective memories, Iranian civilization, Persian language and Persian font, Iranian ethnos and groups with beautiful subcultures that can lead to the cultural, spiritual and national identity and solidarity among the Iranian people. It should also be noted that the document does not mention any modern Iranian identity. To answer the question, a qualitative and quantitative content analysis method is used.

This paper argues that there is a strong conceptual connection between the international crises such as what happened in September 11, 2001 in the United States and the process of identity construction not only in the Western countries` foreign policy in general and the U.S. foreign policy in particular but also in the emergence and expansion of the the terrorist groups such as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Ourmain question is how the anti-terorism discourse emerged after the 9/11 facilitated the emergence and expansion of ISIS? Our main hypotheis is that the anti-terorism discourse created an image of Muslims as terrorists which in turn led to the radicalization of Muslims and identification of themselves as anti-systemic forces. This new identity was created as a result of the overarching anti-terorist discourse after 2001. To answer our question, we survey the Foreign Policy Magazine from 2001 to 2004 and through content analysis of articles and interviews published in this period, try to demonstrate how the anti-terorism discourse led to Muslims identifying themselves as forces against the international system dominated by the Western countries.

The Sunnis in Iraq under the Baath regime had unique place in the political structure of Iraq.But with the fall of Saddam's regime and the formation of a new structure of the federal democratic, they the lost their high position and became a kind of confusion and political turmoil and took positions and different political approaches in different periods. Therefore, In the years after 2003, Sunni political approaches influenced by historical domination-oriented mentality and the political and security environment in Iraq and partly the regional situation. Accordingly, Domestic political and security environment variables and other components had shaped new fluctuations in Sunni political approaches, despite the dominance of 'negative and suspicion Sunnis into the political process in the country. This article emphasizes that the political actions of Sunni in Iraq from a sinus of conflict and sanctions to participation in the power structure had fluctuated.However, according to the results of intangible and uncertain conflict options and also not fulfilling of balanced participation as an alternative proportional participation, Iraq's Sunnis are gradually moving towards the third option namely, the acquisition of sovereignty or local self-government in Sunni regions.