نشریه زبان فارسی و گویش های ایرانی
سال دوم شماره 2 (پیاپی 4، پاییز و زمستان 1396)

Introduction Structures such as interrogatives, declaratives and imperatives are employed in all languages ​​(Sadock & Zwicky, 1985). These sentences belong to a closed and restricted set, and most importantly, each of these structures is associated with its own specific force in the syntactic construction of the sentence (ibid.). The question that arises in this regard is how the force of each of these sentences is activated in the sentence? Along the same lines, it has been suggested that these sentences should be formally typed in different languages, that is, there needs to be a syntactic mechanism thorough which one can determine the specific type of each of these sentences or illustrate the way they are licensed. In this approach, each of the sentences has a specific element that encodes or types its special force, and this element is placed at the top of the hierarchical structure of the sentence and in particular in the Complementizer Phrase (CP) (e.g., Cheng, 1991; Rizzi, 1990, 1996; Rivero &Terzi, 1995, Han, 1998).
Accordingly, it has been assumed that the imperative constructs lack a syntactic subject, and the verb is placed in the head of ForceP in order to satisfy the clause typing or licensing requirement (Han, 1998, 1999a-b, 2000, 2001). More precisely, it has been proposed that either the verb is overtly placed in the head of ForceP, or it must move at the stage during the derivation of the sentence to the head of ForceP in order to provide the imperative reading (ibid.). In this approach, the head of ForceP has features that provide the required interpretation for the sentence, and this requirement implies that the verb overtly moves to this position. But in some languages, such relocation is not plausible. In the latter case, it is necessary that the verb is linked to this position in some other way (ibid.). Given this, this paper attempts to shed some light on how the clause typing mechanism is realized in the imperative sentences in Persian.
Theoretical framework The theoretical framework of this paper is the theory of feature checking within the Minimalist Program (e.g. Chomsky, 1995; 2001a-b) as well as the Split-CP Hypothesis (Rizzi, 1997). “Feature checking is actually triggered by the need to eliminate [-Interpretable] formal features from the computation” (Hornstein et al, 2005: 286), which can be accomplished either through Move-F or Agree. In Rizzi’s (1997) analysis, the CP-phasewhich expresses Force (declarative, interrogative, etc.) and Finiteness are divided intoForceP, Topic Phrase, Focus Phrase,and Finite Phrase (IP).
Methodology This research is descriptive-analytical in nature. The data were randomly collected from different contexts of the spoken form of the Standard Persian before they were scrutinized and formulated by the researchers.
Results & Discussion In this paper, it is first argued that of the presence of an imperative verbin the head of the ForceP or the movement of this element to such a position is impossible in imperative structures in Persian. Hence, the hypothesis that in imperative sentences in all languages ​​the verb should be moved in the head of ForceP falls short of efficiency for Persian data, and thus it is necessary to introduce another mechanism for the syntactic typing of imperatives in Persian.
Therefore, it is suggested that since the verb in the unmarked positive and negative constructs remains in its secondary position in the head of vPand its displacement into the core of the ForceP with the aim of clause typing is impossible, an Agree mechanism can make it possible for this requirement to be satisfied from distance through checking and valuing the features.
On the other hand, in the marked positive imperative structures, the verb raises to Topo and Foco as the final landing sites to check and value the [-Top] and [-Foc] features on the corresponding heads and provide the topic and focus interpretations, respectively. After that, due to the fact that further raising of the verb in overt syntax is blocked, it was suggested that in the affirmative imperatives the [-IMP] feature on the Forceo should be matched with the [⃃] feature on the verb via Agree, by means of which the [-IMP] feature on the Forceo is checked and valued.
In the negative imperatives, however, it was proposed that the [⃃] feature on the verb must undergo Move-F to Forceo, leaving behind the [㗨] feature on the verb in Topo or Foco heads. Being stranded on the verb in Topo and Foco, the [㗨] feature does not out-scope the [-IMP] feature on Forceo, and consequently, a contradictory interpretation would not be yielded.
Conclusions & Suggestions In this article, it was argued that in the positive unmarked imperatives, clause-typing is satisfied through establishing an Agree relation between [⃃] on the verb and [-IMP] on Forceo, and in the negative unmarked imperatives, the clause-typing requirement is accomplished via the Move-F of [⃃] on the verb to Forceo, stranding [㗨] on the verb. In the marked imperative structures, however, first the verb is preposed, landing in the head of either TopP or FocP. Then, in the positive marked structures, [⃃] on the verb is matched with [-IMP] on Forceo through Agree, whereas in the negative marked constructions, [⃃] on the preposed verb undergoes Move-F to Forceo, stranding [㗨] on the verb.

Introduction Linguistic stress and pitch accent are two prosodic cues to word-level prominence. Lexical stress is a prosodic event that helps disambiguate minimal stress pairs (Silber-Varod, Sagi, and Amir, 2015). It happens in polysyllabic words to lend prominence to a syllable as compared to other syllables in the same word. Thus, lexical stress implies the prominence of one syllable in relation to other syllables within a word. But, prominence is not restricted to the word level. It may also occur at the sentence level. This second kind of prominence is called pitch accent. Accent is an intonational event according to which some words in a sentence are produced with more prominence for pragmatic purposes (Sluijter and van Heuven, 1996). Thus lexical stress belongs to linguistic competence, while accent belongs to linguistic performance (Eslami, 2010; Sadeghi, 2014).
According to the typological classification of Hyman (2014), languages are of two prosodic types: stress-accent and non-stress-accent languages. Stress-accent languages are those in which stress is phonetically realized in a word to make one syllable more prominent than other syllables. In contrast, non-stress-accent languages are those in which syllables are free of any phonetic prominence at the word level, and prominence in these languages is the result of pitch accent at the sentence level.
In addition to lexical stress and pitch accent, the prosodic position of a syllable may also affect its prominence in a word. The present paper addresses the role (or contribution) of stress, accent and syllable position on word level prominence in Persian. Prominence is operationalized in this research through three acoustic parameters, namely F0, duration and overall intensity.
Theoretical framework The present research is carried out within the framework of Laboratory Phonology. Any research within this theoretical framework starts with a phonological hypothesis. This hypothesis is assumed to represent a phonological model of the phonetic pattern in question. Then, a production or perceptual experiment is conducted to evaluate the hypothesis. For this purpose, a sample of data related to the phonological hypothesis is designed and calculated. Some acoustical correlates are selected and measured under experimental control of all factors that are assumed to affect the result of the experiment. The values of the parameters calculated are statistically processed, and the results obtained are used to assess the validity of the hypothesis formulated.
Methodology A corpus of 144 sentences was used to evaluate the hypothesis in question. The target words used in the sentences included all the six vowels of the Persian language. There were two types of words in the data: two-syllable words with cv.cv syllable structure and three-syllable words with cv.cv.cvc syllable structure. Stressed and unstressed syllables were embedded in the two-syllable words in final and initial positions respectively, while syllables in the medial position of the three-syllable words were undefined for prominence. All the three-syllable words were formed by adding a stress-bearing mono-syllable affix (inflectional or derivational) to the two-syllable words. All the target words were embedded in two intonational contexts to yield accented and unaccented productions. All acoustic parameters were measured using Praat, version 5.2.12. Measurements were made simultaneously on F0 contour, intensity contour and spectrograph.
Results & Discussion The results for F0 showed no syllables except for the final syllable receive a prominence-lending pitch movement. The results for overall intensity indicated that like F0, intensity correlates with accent rather than stress or syllable position. The results for duration suggested that the initial unstressed syllables are longer than final stressed syllables, and that final stressed syllables are longer than medial unstressed syllables. Furthermore, differences in duration between the syllables concerned were found to be significant even in the unaccented condition. These results were interpreted as suggesting that there are two prosodic factors affecting word-level prominence in the paradigmatic axis, namely stress and syllable position, where syllable position outweighs stress in lending more prominence to initial syllables in poly-syllabic words.
Conclusions & Suggestions Overall, the results suggested that unlike F0 and intensity, duration in Persian is an acoustic correlate of both stress and syllable position which interacts with each other to determine the prominence of syllables in Persian poly-syllabic words.

Introduction The study of linguistic taboos and evil words is an issue which many scholars in different areas of humanities such as anthropology, psychology, sociology and linguistics have dealt with, out of their concern for moral and cultural values. Taboo can be defined as a prohibition against a great force that is both sacred and accursed, and in sociolinguistics, it is the words the usage of which is prohibited and considered to be shameful and hated. In order to eschew using taboos, we use other words or foreign words, a technique that is called euphemism. In Old and Middle Persian, cacophonous words were used for devils and pleasant words were for gods. Ancient Persian dialect (Dari) cacophonous words were used for devils and by doing so, the abomination was softened for the people who were not familiar with evil words. One of the techniques used in euphemism is using foreign words instead of the native words for taboos related to sex, excretion and shameful behaviors. This article investigates taboo language and its structural likeness to Persian evil words, based on binary opposition. The scope of this article includes the legendary and folk culture of Iran.
Theoretical framework Regarding structural binary oppositions, intellectuals such as Ferdinand de Saussure, Claude Levi-Strauss and A. J. Greimas have developed theories which can be expanded to affairs that are holy/unholy, beautiful/ugly and good/evil. Saussurian notion of ‘minimal pairs’ proposes binary oppositions in words; different signs cause meaning to be different. A language is a system of these signs in expressing ideas (Saussure, 2000:8). Levi-Strauss considers such structures, especially the binary oppositions, to rule the minds of all human beings. "Prevalent attempts to explain alleged differences between the so-called primitive mind and scientific thought have resorted to qualitative difference between the working processes of the mind in both cases, while assuming that the entities which they were studying remained very much the same" (Levi-Strauss, 2000: 80). Levi-Strauss and Greimas have investigated the notion of taboo in the Oedipus myth, based on binary oppositions. A very significant opposition in mythologists’ opinion is ‘good/evil’, which originates from dualities in religions and myths; in other words, the taboos like incest and patricide, which have taken roots in cultures, have always existed against Noa. Linguists extract the linguistic signs of taboos from cultures and propose the binary oppositions such as high/low, good/evil and permitted/ prohibited. Therefore, "tabooed subjects can vary widely: sex, death, excretion, bodily functions, religious matters and politics. Tabooed objects that must be avoided or used carefully can include your mother-in- law, certain game animals, and use of your left hand (the origin of sinister)" (Wardhaugh, 2006:239). Such knowledge helps us to think about satanic and divine aspects of taboos and to find a structural affinity between tabooed and evil words.
Methodology This study employs an analytical methodology based on the ‘binary oppositions’ theory.
Results & Discussion It seems that the taboo words in Old Persian were divide into two parts: evil words for evil world and divine words for divine world. Purdavud has mentioned evil and divine names, words and works, and Dustkhah reminds their name such as Ahura (god)/Ahriman (Satan), Fereidun/ Zahhak, Iran/Aniran (non-Iran), angel/demon, ameshaspandan/ kmarikan etc. (See. 1985: 374-384). Some evil words are still being used with a negative connotation, for instance the word "drayiidan" which means ‘to say’ (see. Abolghasemi, 1999: 41). This word is attributed to bad persons, but is considered taboo for persons of good qualities. Such duality in Iranian mind, either consciously or unconsciously, originates from ancient religions of Iran. Although Levi-Straus believes that dualism is in the nature of human mind, he does not deny that culture of a country is another factor which has an effect on the mind.
As mentioned before, many taboo words of the world, in spite of cultural difference, are related to concepts of sex and excretion. Like the use of left hand that is considered sinister in religions, some deeds have been known as taboos, at least if they are done in public. In this regard, evil words should be avoided and substituted with euphemism. For such purposes, in Old Persian, divine words were used. There are other mechanisms of euphemism in Persian language: use of foreign (Aniranian) words such as ‘mostarah’ (rest room), abbreviation signs (W.C.), and metaphorical and virtual compositions like ‘dastshuyi’ (hand washing). Also, sometimes it is used as humor or parody.
Conclusions & Suggestions The notion of ‘taboo’ originates from oppositions and dualities. Such dualities usually include moral, ideological, mythical, and also black and white aspects. Nearly all religions and cultures hold these aspects; however, the religions of Old Persia consciously separated evil and divine words. It is not vain that theologians consider duality to be a Zoroastrian phenomenon. Iranians avoid using taboo words through different mechanisms, one of which is using euphemism against evil words. Finally, it is suggested that this method can be studies in other countries and languages too.

Introduction Nowadays, it does not seem feasible to present a comprehensive description of the language without taking the role of social factors into consideration. Numerous factors in society can impact on languages. Just to name a few are cultural, political, and historical factors that can be influential in making, changing, and using the language (Modaresi, 2012: 33). The aim of the current study is exploring the impacts of these factors on the language.
Theoretical framework As Spencer-Oatey(1996: 3) maintained, only Brown and Levison (1987: 258) and Brown and Gilman (1960: 282-257), among other researchers, clearly expressed their perception about the concept of solidarity. They all agree that similarity and difference, like a key, determines the solidarity. Spencer-Oatey(1996: 7-8) believes that different scholarshave defined solidarityin various ways such as presenting social similarities or differences (Brown & Gilman, 1972), people’s familiarity or knowing each other (Holmes, 1990), and the similarity of thought (Brown and Gilman, 1972). Brown and Gilman (1972: 255), Brown and Levinson (1996: 77), and Cansler and Stiles(1981: 459-460) are amongst those scholars who depicted the concept of power well. To Brown and Gilman (1972) and Brown and Levinson (1996), "power" controls other people’s behavior, while Cansler and Stiles (1981) consider "power" the focus on the social status.
Regarding the foregoing issues, the authors decided to adopt the Brown and Gilman's (1972) viewpoint as the basis of this study based on which the pronouns are used as the reflections ofthe concepts of solidarity and power and is more compatible with the culture, attitude, and language of those Iranians who take the advantage of having difference between second person singular and plural pronouns. It is worth noting that Farsi speakers sometimes use the second person pluralto refer to one person. Having adopted three non-linguistic variables of gender, age, and the lesson type, the authors attempted to analyze the linguistic variables of pronouns, imperative speech act, and the role of power and solidarity in the teachers-students’ relationship.
Methodology Theapplied methods of the current study were filed as well as analytic-descriptive research. To collect the required data, one of the researchers attended thirty classes of eight schools (girl's and boys’high schools, part one and two) and recorded 45 minutes of 60 teachers’ behaviortoward their students in the Arabic, English, literature, math, and P.E. classes. The students were categorized into the two groups of female and male based on their gender and also the two groups of 13-15 and 16-18 years old students based on age factor.
Results & Discussion The results of this study indicate that the teachers do not use "to" (you, second person singular) to assert their power, rather, they most often prefer to use "shoma" (you, second person plural) which is sometimes mutual. The findings also indicate that the teachers-students relationship in Farsi does not conform to the asymmetrical relationship presented by Brown and Gilman (1960). The Hook’s (1984) perspective can be adhered to such relationships with slight differences. The second person plural pronoun "shoma", students’ names, address terms and titles, occupational and descriptive phrases and expressions were used in the classrooms. The categorization of the expressions adopted are as follows:
1. Occupational phrases
2. "shoma"
3. Titles
4. Students’ Names
5. Descriptive phrases
As different names can be categorized in the students’ names group, the following categorization presents a more comprehensive one:1. First name clitics
2. First name
3. Last name
4. First name last name
Moreover, the use of indirect imperative sentences by the teachers reveal that the teacher-students relationship tends towardssolidarity. The teachers rarely use direct imperative sentences.
The authors assumethe teachers-students relationship as an asymmetrical politeness-based one. To put it differently, politeness is more important than the power, and since the second person singular pronoun "to" is considered impolite, the teachers avoid expressing itto address their students and prefer touse "shoma" and other similar expressions instead.
Conclusions & Suggestions Our data analysis indicates that power and solidarity parameters are not restricted to personal pronouns only, and different expressions can reflect the power or solidarity in Farsi. Imperative sentences are the mere speech acts that reflect the teachers’power. Moreover, the analysis reveals that the field of study and the subjectwas an influential factor in utilizingpower. In other words, teachers of different subjects adopted indirect imperative sentences, address terms, and markers of more solidarity differently. This difference can be shown as follows:Literature P.E. Math English Arabic
Our study show that ,on the one hand, part one high school teachers use more correlated expressions, and on the other hand, exercise both solidarity and power in the classrooms through using imperative sentences that indicate less solidarity. The more address terms used, the less solidarity in part two high school classes were observed. Furthermore, direct imperative uses also reduces. Hence, both power and solidarity are employed. To put it differently, the teachers do not invariably adopt power or solidarity markers during the class time, but they combine them by takingdifferent situations into account. Therefore, it can be stated that using power markers has no significant relationship with the students’ age. In comparison, male teachers used more power markers. It is somehow confirmed by male teacher's using imperative sentences as well as the student's last names. Female teachers’ relationships aremore of solidarity type.

Introduction Modern Persian language is not a unified totality represented in all Persian texts, but with some slight lexical, morphological, phonological, and syntactic differences in some regions has found new forms which are referred to as "Persian Language varieties". In other words, in some texts, certain features of Persian can be detected which make them somehow different from other works. The main reason is that they belong to different geographical areas and eras. That is why some of the linguistic elements of the texts such as structure, vocabulary, pronunciation, and lexical features are different. Understanding these specific usages and highlighting themin the contemporary language varieties of the same area is necessary for language researches. This article attempts to achieve this goal by studying Herati ancient dialect and comparing it to the contemporary form of this language variety. Tabaqat al-Sufiyya by Abdullâh Ansârî is the oldest, the most complete and probably the most spoken Persian text which is left from Herat area. Its specific linguistic features can represent the characteristics of ancient Heravi. The aim of this study is to find and analyze the strange words in Tabaghātand compare them with the modern language variety which is currently used in Herat and its neighboring cities, so analyzed them.
Theoretical framework Looking for the meaning of strange words in ancient Persian texts which are also used today in the contemporary language and dialects of the same area may be useful especially for understanding meaning of the strange words in early centuries and finding out the history of the development of Persian language. Additionally, we can recognize the historical roots of the unknown Persian words, prepare scientific lexicons and historical dictionaries, and finally find the meaning of the unclear archaic words based on the meaning of the words which are left in different modern dialects.
This article is an attempt to study the language variety which is currently spoken in Herat and the ancient Heravi dialect. The data of the study was culled from Tabaqate al-Sufiyyawhich is the oldest, the most spoken and excellent text found in Herat region.
Methodology The study was conducted by using content analysis method. We used written materials and print sources such as books and essays, especially the dictionary of archaic words and Herat contemporary dictionary. In some cases, the field method was used to gather the data based on the knowledge of the native speakers.
Results & Discussion 47 obsolete words and terms were found in Tabaqat al-Sufiyyawhich had rarely been used in other ancient Persian texts. The meaning of these words were searched in the Persian variety of Herat. The result of this study was that the meaning if these words were almost clarified.
Conclusions & Suggestions Some words and expressions such as "aftāb-e-zard" (the yellow sun) meaning "nearsunset", "shamidan" meaning "drinking", and ''khošk šodane zabān'' meaning to "to go dump" are still used in the Herat area without any noticeable changes. Some of the other words such as "bayqār" which is the old form of today’s "payqūr" and means "to blame" and "to taunt", and "bar pā" which is currently used as "var pā" are used with a slight change in one or more phonemes with almost the same meaning. Conducting similar studies with other Persian varieties are suggested.

Introduction Reduplication is one of the morphological processes that through doubling a word, element, root or stem enhances, emphasizes, amplifies, enlarges, diminishes, adds number or changes verb tense to bring about significant meaning changes or shades of meaning (Kauffman, 2015). Taleshi is a language which is spoken in the northern regions of the Iranian provinces of Guilan and Ardabil and the southern regions of the Republic of Azarbaijan. Based on lexical, phonological and grammatical factors, Taleshi is divided into three dialects: northern, central and southern. Northern Taleshi is spoken in Azarbaijan from Anbaran to Lavandavil; central Taleshi includes Taleshdula, Asalem and Tularud; and southern Taleshi which has been investigated in this article includes Masal, Shanderman, Kushabar and Masule. In this paper, we have studied all types of reduplication proposed by Kauffman (2015) in Taleshi so that we can get the dominant types, uses, and syllable structures of the reduplicated words.
Theoretical framework According to Kauffman (2015), there are eight different kinds of reduplication, including: full reduplication which refers to doubling of the entire word; partial reduplication which uses a part of a word, typically a syllable, and repeats it; reduplication in baby-talk, as babies shorten the words into doubled syllables; rhyming reduplication which refers to different words with near duplicated sounds resulting in rhyming; ablaut reduplication by changing vowels of words that nearly rhyme; reduplication in onomatopoeia by imitating and doubling the sounds in nature; name doubling which is primarily used for close relationships; and shm-reduplication which refers to depreciative reduplication indicating irony, sarcasm, skepticism rhyming base words with the prefix shm-. Applying repetitive sounds result in grammatical or lexical distinctions which make profound or subtle changes in meaning. Therefore, Kauffman (2015) distinguished various uses of reduplication based on forming plurals, verb tenses, intensity, amplification, enhancement, specificity, diversity or collectivity, similarity, playfulness, aimlessness, reciprocity and statements on life.
Methodology The method of this research is both qualitative and quantitative. In order to achieve comprehensive results, the researcher needed to choose perfect and acceptable corpus in Taleshi, so data were collected in two ways: documents and field study. The documents included Taleshi’s proverbs and also Taleshi to Farsi dictionaries. The field study included interviews and was based on the speech of the old and illiterate speakers of Masal, Shanderman, Shaft and Fuman and also the researcher’s intuition. After data collection, the entire corpus was searched for the possible eight kinds of reduplication mentioned by Kauffman (2015). Then, all these forms were recorded along with their meanings and parts of speech, then the uses of each kind of reduplication were examined. Together, 281 reduplicated forms were extracted and categorized according to their types, uses and semantic properties. In the end, the syllable structures of each kind of reduplication were presented.
Results & Discussion The researcher collected 281 reduplicated words in Taleshi, including 168 words with full reduplication, 50 words with partial reduplication, 24 words with rhyming reduplication and 39 words with other kinds of reduplication. The parts of speech observed in reduplicated words were nouns, adjectives and adverbs among which noun was the dominant form in most structures. The results of this study showed that all kinds of reduplication except "name doubling" and "Shm-reduplication" were observed in Taleshi’s data. The semantic uses of reduplication in Taleshi showed that in terms of meaning, the dominant forms were intensity, amplification, enhancement, diversity and collectivity. By analyzing the syllable structures, it was found that in mono- syllables, the structure of CVC and in two syllables, the use of CV-CV and also CV-CVC had the dominant structures in Taleshi reduplicated words. The comparison between this study and the previous ones showed that in the previous studies only one or two types of reduplication like full reduplication and partial reduplication were taken into account, while other types of reduplication were ignored. Also, in the previous researches, the use of reduplication which may cause grammatical and lexical distinctions and therefore lead to semantic changes were not considered.
Conclusions & Suggestions In this article, we tried to examine the various types of reduplication in Taleshi based on adaptation and localization of linguistic theories. Among all kinds of reduplication proposed by Kauffman (2015), full reduplication had the highest frequency. In other words, most data in this dialect were observed to have full reduplication. Partial reduplication and rhyming reduplication were also observed in different words. Other kinds of reduplication such as ablaut reduplication, reduplication in baby talk and reduplication in onomatopoeia had the least frequency. The semantic analysis showed that unlike other languages, in Taleshi the plurality and verb tenses cannot be applied by reduplication, while other semantic uses like intensity, amplification, enhancement, diversity and collectivity are obvious. The results of such studies could be helpful in building bilingual corpora, preserving and enhancing Iranian dialects as well as preventing their extinction and annihilation.

Introduction Children’s songs are a small yet considerable part of folk songs. They are considered as a subcategory of children’s poetry. The importance of linguistic features in children’s poetry in composition or in better transmitting concepts and messages towards very young audience makes it necessary to know the series of these signs. The structural study, linguistic features, literary-artistic exclusivity and value of children’s special songs and their theme and content analysis, in addition to cultural knowledge and anthropological information, provide a linguistic and semiotic understanding of children’s mind and language structure. In the light of such a research, the more detailed linguistic-literary aspects of folk-songs and also the simpler structures of speakers’ mental creation are also shown.
Theoretical framework The language of children’s poetry has some classified signs of adult poetry but the used sign systems in the composition and structure of children songs and poetry does not have substantive differences with adult poetry’s structure in general. Therefore, semiotic approaches of poetry and linguistic studies are also applied to the studies of linguistic sign system and songs and children’s native poems’ structure. The present study is based on these approaches. Such a research could prove the hypothesis of singular linguistic-semiotic pattern in the structure of children’s poetry in both formal and folk forms.
Methodology The present study was coducted with library and field method and with descriptive-analytic approach. To gather the data of the study, in addition to the field research, the collected song series were also used.
Results & Discussion In the present study, children songs and native lullabies of southern Taleshi were gathered and documented with the aim of studying linguistic structure of children songs, forms of using the most prominent linguistic features of children’s poetry, the adaptation level of native songs with poetic and linguistic principles of formal poetry and receiving structural and linguistic differences and similarities between formal children poetry and native children songs. Accordingly, the four features of musical elements, image action, environmentalism, and meaning integrity in these songs are studied and matched.
Conclusions & Suggestions The results of this study indicate that children folk-songs in Taleshi follow poetic principles and linguistic signs of formal children poetry. The level of this conformity in musical features is seen more than other signs and in meaning integrity lower than other lingual features

Introduction The Kurdish language of today is the converted survivor of the ancient Persian language of Maadi and it is generally believed that the Kurds are the descendants of Maads. According to the historians, the Maads had inhabited and settled in vast areas which cover wide parts of today's middle east and where the Kurds reside today (Rokhzadi 27:2011 ).
Kalhori is one of the dialects of Kurdish. Its speakers mostly dwell in the provinces of Ilam, Kermanshah, and Hamadan and the Kurd-dwelling districts of Iraq.
Reduplication is a morphological process by which the whole or part of the base of a word is reduplicated on the left or on the right side and sometimes in the center of the base and is used in most languages of the world. The present study aims to study the morphological process of reduplication in Klhori dialect of Kurdish and find suitable replies to the main questions of the research which asks about the types of reduplication used in Kalhori, and how this morphological process can be analyzed within the standard version of the optimality theory, known as the correspondence theory.
Theoretical framework Optimality theory was first proposed by Alan prince Paul Smolensky. This theory originally sprang from the heart of generative linguistics to be used in phonology and morphology and then extended to all domains which need constrain-based procedures (Dabir Moghadam. 2012:644).
In Optimality Theory, the relationship between input and output is established by the help of two formal and mathematical instruments called generator =GN and evaluator =EVAL/Eva. Generator competitor choices for its intended input, the number of which, can be infinite and each of which is a possible analysis for that input. Then evaluator exploits the hierarchies of constraints of that language so that from among the produced choices by generator it selects optimal choice or (choices) as output (Dabir Moghadam, 2012:647).
Constrains in optimality theory are divided into two main groups: markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints. Markedness constraints indicated the tending of general grammar into unmarked structure. Such constraints cause surface structure to execute some of the canonical being grammatical, that is that calculate the being well-formed of output, whereby, unmarked forms are distinguished from marked ones (Kagar,2004:9).
Faithfulness constraint emphasize the necessity of equality and similarity between input and output. According to this definitions, output have to retain the main characteristic of input, which in reality guarantee a kind of similarity between input and output (Kagar, 2004:10).
Methodology This study is a kind of descriptive- analytical research. The data of the Kalhori dialect of Kurdish have been collected in two ways to investigate the reduplication process in this study: (1) field methodology, by interviewing some native speakers and recording the everyday conversations of the native speakers of this dialect, and 2) library method, by studying the Kalhori dictionaries such as Khovar halat (Kareempour, 1380) and Bashur (Jalilian, 2006).
Results & Discussion Among the word formation processes in Kalhori dialect of Kurdish, reduplication is a process in which the whole or part of a word is reduplicated and a new word is created, which either has a new meaning or shows its intensity. In Kalhori Kurdish, reduplicated words can be divided into the two types of total reduplication and partial reduplication, each of which has different sorts. Total reduplication is divided into two different subcategories. Partial reduplication can also be divided into two other types with their own different forms.
The results show that optimality theory is able to justify the construction of reduplication kinds in Kalhori Kurdish according to the world constraints of markedness and maximality. In sum, it can be said that in Kalhori dialect, that monosyllabic reduplicated words with cvc structure compared to other words, have higher frequency in the construction of reduplicated words and the markedness constraints limitation which in the hierarchy of constraints groping lies at the highest rank and is inviolable is onset constraints. In fact, Kalhori does not allow forming zero onset syllables.
In total reduplication, maximality constraints which are the result of the faithfulness of elements (input-output and base-reduplicated) lie always at a higher rank compared to the markedness constraints to prevent from the insertion or deletion of elements. In other structures, we witness the appearance of an unmarked structure in reduplicated affix. Tendency to unmarkedness in the construction of the affixes of reduplicated by the presence of fixed elements which are inserted in such affixes, and the formation of the structure of more unmarked syllable towards base in these affixes is emanated.
Conclusions & Suggestions The results of the study indicate that among the word formation processes of Kalhori Kurdish, reduplication has a lot of applications. Research findings show that in this dialect, the process of reduplication is seen in two total and partial ways. Kalhori total reduplicated words can be divided into the different types of added, unadded and echo duplicated words. Partial reduplication can be divided into prefix and suffix partial kinds. Prefix partial reduplicated words can be created through omitting one or more base phonemes and its reduplication as prefix.
The final conclusion of this study is that we can use the standard version of the optimality theory which is also known as the correspondence theory, to analyze the process of word formation in Kalhori Kourdish.