نشریه سیاست پژوهی ایرانی
سال پنجم شماره 2 (پیاپی 16، تابستان 1397)

A state-political political culture is a kind of political culture in which people, departing from the realm of political and social activities, assign their duties and powers to the state in public, and the political elites, by accepting these duties and powers, expect more and more expectations from governments For this purpose, the purpose of this research is to use a descriptive and analytical method to find an answer to the question: what factors lead to the formation of a state-owned culture, and how this kind of political culture affects the patterns of political and social behavior Communities? In response to this question, the following hypothesis is tested: the nature of the state rentier - the long history of tyranny of the kingdom and the continuation of the patrimonial culture are the most important factors in the formation of a state-political political culture, and this kind of cultural culture causes people to depend on the state. The results of the research, while confirming the hypothesis above, indicate that the political culture of the state has caused the attachment of people to the state due to the characteristics of estrangement and the culture of citizenship-distrust of state-responsibility and myths and myths in the pattern of social and political behavior of these societies.

It has been difficult to define concepts such as society, culture, civilization, nation, etc. from a long time ago and many works have been written about these two concepts. The intellectuals and theorists have been researching and analyzing different and different angles from different angles, and they have come up with various interpretations. Different writers and scholars from each point of view have had their hands on it and they have had an interesting passage from it. In such a way Sometimes it is synonymous and sometimes two independent and independent concepts. This research focuses on the concept of culture and culture, and aims at identifying and defining different thoughts and beliefs. The main question is what kind of relationship or relationship between these two concepts exists. The research hypothesis emphasizes the separation and independence of these two, and considers this independence to be favorable to the developments of the world system. In this paper, we examine the relationship between these two concepts using the documentary and library method.

In the city of Utopia, the Platonic hierarchy is characterized by the degree of knowledge that individuals possess. Hence, the rulers are representatives of "Intuitive Science" and are the guardians of their residents, and they analyze the issues and direct guidance of the people's thoughts. Ordinary people also suffice for the faithful beliefs learned by the scholars. On this basis, Plato believes that the masses of the people hardly and the strength of the bronze, the class of assistant guardians, such as valuable silver and rulers like gold, are scarce. The city of Plato is a city of wise men, brave, selfish and righteous. Therefore, the establishment of a rule of justice in the soul will mean that the two powers of anger and lust under the rule of reason of the process to a perfectional order embrace all human existence. The John Rawls Justice Theory, which lies in the Cantonese tradition, focuses on the structure of society and its constituent institutions. The essence of his thoughts is justice as fairness. In short, fairness relates to the ethical approach to the principles of justice and justice to fair decision making. The method of this research is descriptive and analytic.

The Middle East region is one of the most important areas of the world that has been at the forefront of the world for many years. The obvious feature of this region is the huge reserves of oil and gas. But the issue that was highlighted in the twenty-first century is the rise of China and the efforts of this Asian nation after the reform period for a dynamic and effective presence in strategic areas of the world, including the Middle East, and as it needs its energy resources to grow its economy. It tries to increase its influence in various ways, including establishing widespread relations with the countries of the region. For the purpose of this study, the present paper seeks to answer the question of why China's presence in the Middle East has increased over the past few decades? The paper, which is based on a descriptive-analytic method based on the theoretical framework of mutual complex interdependence, has tested this hypothesis in response to its main question: Increasing the reliance of China's economy on imports of fossil fuels from The Middle East for economic and industrial development; the main shift in China's gradual evolution policy toward the Middle East, especially with two countries rich in energy such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, is from the principle of non-interference in the policy of expanding economic-political interactions.

Ontology of Iran's nuclear agreement and 5 + 1 from the point of view of the relation of the structure-operator The agreement between Iran and the P5 + 1, especially the United States, is moderating the behavior of Iran, or can it-or should-it have to go through the process of material change? Basically, interactions in the context of social structures, on the one hand, and the purposes of the brokers on the other hand, should be considered, in addition to the role of social structural infrastructures, the role of superstructures, namely, the implications of government agents of 5 + 1, so that the most important "birth", that is, "agreement" between 5 + 1 and Iran. The explanation of this agreement shows, in essence, which aspects of co-ordination, cooperation, participation, or convergence have been raised? Here's the question of whether the continuation of Iran's cooperation with the West based on the role of social structures-along with the brokers-could be a kind of transition from Hobbesian logic to Lucky or, eventually, the Kantian anarchy? !

The Islamic Revolution of Iran can be considered one of the most important phenomena of the twentieth century. In the socio-political relations of modern societies, the role of the new middle class in the political, cultural and cultural contributions of the community can be undone. This class is the focus of political and cultural activities within the new urban community, while the new middle class is not, in terms of its intermediate social and economic status, to sustain the unlimited wealth accumulation and accumulation, and because of its position The job of the revolution itself is the main burden of its revolution, its changes and reforms. The Pahlavi regime's attempt to maintain its new patriarchal political system, which practically contradicted the participation of the social classes, and the arrival of most of the world's countries in the area of development and modernization that sparked the collective sense of the new middle class in Iran, brought the regime into conflict with certain problems and, in effect, It was necessary to adopt a dual policy in dealing with social classes and to control and control the social classes. In this regard, the process of modernization that intensified during the Second Pahlavi era, not giving notice to the new middle class in the process of functioning of the Rastakhiz Party in the alien The more this class of government and the new patriarchal structure of power It is opposed to the emergence and empowerment of the new middle class,

The issue of development, like some issues, is a thorough and comprehensive one, which requires the full participation of the people in the policy of developing the country. Therefore, in the present condition, there is no possibility of realizing the goals of governments in the field of development without the participation of the community. This article examines the role of nongovernmental organizations in increasing social capital and its impact on development in Iran. The study area was Qom province. The results indicate that NGOs, while enhancing and enhancing the level of dimensions, indicators and components of social capital, facilitate the process of development in society. The research method is descriptive-survey and is done using documentary information and field studies (questionnaire) which 93 non-governmental organizations comprise of the statistical community. Data collected from the questionnaires were analyzed using SPSS software in two sections: descriptive and inferential. Research findings indicate that there is a positive and significant relationship between NGOs and social capital and their impact on develop