فصلنامه مطالعات راهبردی
سال بیست و ششم شماره 3 (پیاپی 101، پاییز 1402)

The significant contribution of historical and experimental endeavors to the development of security studies, coupled with the overlooked concept of security in renowned philosophers’ thoughts, has resulted in a limited connection between contemporary security studies and these philosophers’ views. Even though they had not directly addressed the issue of security, their exploration of topics like revolutions, social conflicts, succession wars, and racial conflicts indirectly encompassed this concept. Thus, the lack of a distinct concept of security in these thinkers’ ideas doesn’t imply that they disregarded or undervalued this concept.Viewed from this standpoint, the confinement of contemporary security studies to the recent decades, and the insufficient consideration given to the insights of philosophers from earlier times, can be seen as a significant deficiency in these studies. To rectify this, it becomes imperative to revisit the philosophies of these thinkers, scrutinizing them with a fresh perspective and an understanding shaped by today’s concept of security.Hence, reevaluating the political doctrines of eminent philosophers, through the prism of both traditional and modern security notions, is not merely crucial but also beneficial. Apart from addressing the deficiencies of contemporary security studies, this sets up specific criteria for assessing both current security perspectives and everyday security strategies, theoretically and practically.

Aristotle, despite the historical nature of his work, is a highly distinguished philosopher whose ideas merit analysis through this approach. This paper aims to extract themes related to contemporary security concepts from Aristotle’s teachings. It poses a fundamental question: What are the features of a security theory grounded in Aristotle’s teachings and political thought? To answer this, the hermeneutic method is employed to idntify key security points and themes related to the concept of security from his political thought. These are then analyzed in accordance with modern security perspectives across military, political, social, and economic dimensions.

Through this process, the principles of a security theory - namely, the security referent object, security issue, and security measures - are discerned. Consequently, the research hypothesis is formulated as follows: A security theory rooted in Aristotle’s teachings and political thought aligns with the philosophy of emancipation. In this theory, the polis or state (political society) serves as the security referent object, harmonizing with the military, political, social, and economic dimensions of security. Concurrently, this theory’s foundations are built on military strength to counter external threats, political stability, societal peace, and just distribution to fulfill economic needs.This paper shows that while Aristotle may not have explicitly established a security theory, his ideas align with the security perspectives of contemporary theorists across military, political, social, and economic domains. Accordingly, we can identify security elements within his political thought and study the security referent object, security issue, and security measures from an Aristotelian perspective, albeit not within a framework directly formulated by Aristotle himself.The paper also emphasizes that the “good life” is at the heart of Aristotelian philosophy. Since this goal is best achieved within the polis (political society), in a security framework grounded in Aristotelian thought, the polis or state becomes the referent object of security. Key elements of safeguarding the security of the polis in this view include defending the polis against external threats, ensuring its stability and peace through appropriate institutional structures, and nurturing virtuous citizens who enjoy a degree of economic prosperity due to just asset distribution.The paper’s findings also suggest that Aristotle’s security philosophy is fundamentally rooted in the concept of emancipation. This is because, in his view, security stems from factors such as upholding virtue, fostering virtuous and just citizens, just distribution, enforcing justice among equals, adherence to the law, education aligned with the nation’s constitution, and citizens’ rights to participate in governance and receive respect. The ultimate aim of security is the “good life”, and the use of military power serves this purpose rather than being a means for domination. These emancipation-based elements form the bedrock of societal security in an Aristotelian security theory.

The diverse and numerous issues concerning women in the Islamic Republic of Iran lack a singular characteristic and vary in their significance. For this, policy-makers cannot address all these issues simultaneously. Hence, effective decision-making necessitates a comprehensive understanding of these and their appropriate prioritization. This study aims to identify and categorize these issues based on their impact and relevance, thereby aiding policy-makers in their decision-making process. The key questions we seek to answer are: What are the current critical issues concerning women? What challenges does the decision-making structure encounter in the realm of women’s issues? How do these issues interrelate? Which of these issues should be the primary focus and priority for decision-makers and politicians?In scrutinizing these issues, prioritizing governance frameworks and policy-making necessities is crucial. However, the perspectives and attitudes of women towards their social, political, legal, and economic world - their current demands - are equally central. Essentially, women’s issues are characterized by their emergence from the interaction between political system and society. The persistence of these issues could pose challenges for governance.

This study employs a methodology that includes gathering expert opinions through surveys, brainstorming sessions, and elite meetings. These insights are then processed using MicMac software to measure the indirect effects of the components on each other, thereby determining the position and priority of each strategic issue within the Islamic Republic of Iran. To address the research questions, the study is structured into five sections, in addition to the introduction. These sections include an examination of strategic issues in the women's field; ranking of women's issues; issue analysis; cause chain analysis; and strategic recommendations.

The primary focus of policy-makers should be on transforming four key components: lateness of religious jurisprudence (ijtihad), the crisis of political representation, securitization, and politicization. Without progress in these four areas, significant development in other issues is far-fetched. The common thread linking these four challenges is the lack of a genuine and accurate understanding of social changes in the realm of women. Precise and authentic knowledge, facilitated by intellectual elites, is the government's first necessary step toward addressing these issues. These elites can equip policy-makers with a comprehensive and inclusive perspective on Iran's social changes concerning women.The “insufficiency of domestic authorities to address women’s issues” in comparison to foreign ones, and “the opposition’s exploitation of the government’s neglect of women’s demands” are two dependent variables. These variables are influenced by all factors but have minimal impact on them. To address these issues, policy-makers should concentrate on key determinants and reinforcing factors. These include “the gap between women’s formal and informal lifestyles” and “neglect of women’s emerging demands.” Identifying an effective solution to these two issues could significantly enhance governance efficiency in relation to women and mitigate costly repercussions. Abandoning the “marginalization” approach and adopting policies that acknowledge and respect diverse preferences is the fundamental basis of policy-making in this field.While identifying all aspects of women’s informal lifestyle may challenge certain facets of the Iranian-Islamic identity desired by the state, articulating the current situation and future outlook necessitates flexibility to surmount serious challenges and threats. Indeed, the state should treat this issue with utmost seriousness to prevent civil disobedience from becoming a societal conflict with itself. In other words, policies that could potentially transform women’s lifestyles into a battleground against the political system should be avoided.It's worth noting that employing harsh methods to address this issue could potentially amplify its scope and depth, fostering growing empathy with manifestations of disobedience and ultimately leading to a decline in domestic authority. Demonstrating pliability towards some of the women's demands and acknowledging certain aspects of their lifestyle does not conflict with the values of the political system. Rather, it is a necessary action, which can help prevent certain outcomes that could disrupt social order.For instance, objections to granting motorcycle licenses to women may drive them to obtain international licenses, which are also recognized by Iranian courts. Ultimately, this means that policy-makers have to accommodate a demand related to the informal lifestyle. This situation sets a precedent where people realize that their demands will only be met through coercion and civil disobedience; a model that could have costly implications for the political system.Another aspect that policy-makers are compelled to consider and effect changes in, pertains to regulatory issues that serve a moderating role. Given that most regulatory issues are agent-oriented, policy-makers encounter fewer constraints in managing and controlling these issues compared to structural ones. In this context, the political system can make proper changes in these types of problems with measures that are not overly long-term or structural.In this study, “Policies conflicting with women's sense of discretion and dignity” have been identified as a regulatory component. This issue pertains to policies that, whether at the advertising and announcement stage or the implementation stage, wrongly target women. To mitigate the impact of this problem and address its consequences, policy-makers should reassess some of these policies and pursue the intended objectives through alternative approaches.

In general, the study’s findings highlight the following as key factors impacting women’s issues:  Neglect of women’s social developments in religious jurisprudence (ijtihad); Crisis of political representation and the predominantly masculine structure of decision-making andpolicy-making; Perceiving women’s demands as a threat and securitizing those; and Politicization of women’s issues and incorrect prioritization of their concerns.

Cultural security encompasses a broad and diverse range of aspects. To safeguard this, states implement comprehensive strategies such as communication restrictions, national culture promotion, and the development of educational programs. Additionally, the membership of the international treaties and conventions is another measure to reinforce the regulation of cultural consumption, thereby enhancing cultural security.Numerous international treaties and conventions exist to safeguard and bolster the cultural heritage of nations. Among these, the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works stands out as a significant one, with widespread global participation. This convention primarily aims to establish fundamental principles for copyright protection and to uphold the rights of copyright holders. In essence, it seeks to advocate for creators in the realms of science and culture. However, the convention also plays a crucial role in regulating and overseeing the consumption of cultural and artistic products. This, in turn, can have significant implications, either strengthening or undermining a country’s cultural security.This study tries to explain the consequences of accepting the Berne Convention on the cultural security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Also, a proper strategy is suggested so that it fits the daily needs of Iranian society and has a positive effect on its cultural security.

Initially, available resources concerning the repercussions of Iran’s accession to the Berne Convention were identified, and 330 arguments from both proponents and critics were extracted. These items were subsequently categorized into 15 overarching themes using a ‘Thematic Analysis’ approach. These themes served as the foundation for a ‘descriptive and analytical review’ of the Berne Convention’s impact on Iran’s cultural security. In this context, the viewpoints of proponents and critics were analyzed across seven dimensions: cultural access, per capita cultural consumption, resistance to cultural imperialism, protection of national interests, cultural independence and self-sufficiency, innovation and creativity, and jurisprudential issues.

For the authors of this study, the paramount consideration is the compelling argument put forth by proponents of the Berne Convention, as compared to its critics. They assert that by joining this convention, the Islamic Republic of Iran can acquire significant tools to fortify national identity and ward off cultural encroachment. This is primarily because the convention encompasses regulations and frameworks that can assist the state in cultivating and propagating Iranian-Islamic culture, while simultaneously curbing the illicit trafficking and consumption of Western media products.Conversely, if the Berne Convention is not accepted, foreign cultural products could become widely accessible at low cost or even free of charge. This could lead to a surge in the smuggling and consumption of such products, which are often laden with colonial ideological indoctrination. With the rapid advancement of communication technologies, this issue could escalate, leading to more severe consequences. It could engender a sense of despair within society, hinder social cohesion and unity, and give rise to various cultural and social crises.Advocates also argue that joining this convention is a means of safeguarding the nation’s public and national interests. It lays the groundwork for global cooperation through cultural and scientific exchange, fostering the country’s cultural, artistic, and scientific growth. By enhancing these conditions domestically, it opens avenues for international engagement and draws greater attention to Iranian-Islamic culture. Overall, it paves the way for the development of a cultural and artistic economic market, thereby strengthening and shaping the country’s cultural system.

This study concludes that the Berne Convention can serve as an international legal framework for achieving the country’s social and cultural objectives, as well as enhancing its cultural security conditions. Therefore, to further bolster cultural security and foster the growth of the nation’s cultural system, it is recommended that policymakers facilitate the necessary coordination among cultural, artistic, and scientific institutions for the country’s accession to this convention.

Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States and its allies, and the subsequent downfall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, the Shiites effectively ascended to power, marking a historic milestone. This newly established power, coupled with the endeavor to sustain this achievement, provided the members of the ‘Shia Coordination Framework’ (SCF) an impetus to engage with foreign actors. As stability was established in Iraq, there was a desire among some factions to reinstate Iraq’s influential role at the regional level, leading to shifts in their foreign Orientations. Concurrently, the necessities of governance, conservative perspectives on their accomplishments, and the ongoing presence of American forces in Iraq, collectively led to changes in the views of certain Iraqi Shia actors towards foreign powers.For the Islamic Republic of Iran, understanding the perspective of the Shia Coordination Framework members in Iraq towards itself, as well as two other key players - Saudi Arabia and the United States - is crucial. This can shape Tehran’s policy in relation to them.Consequently, the primary question this paper seeks to address is: Given the foreign inclinations of the Coordination Framework members, what is their stance towards the aforementioned three actors - Iran, the United States, and Saudi Arabia - and what implications does this have for the future of Iraq?

This paper, drawing on expert opinions, explores the inclinations of the five principal players in Iraq’s Shia coordination framework. These include the Marjaeya (Shia highest authority), Ḥizb al Daʿwa al-Islamiyya (Islamic Call Party), Tayar al-Hikmah al-Watani (National Wisdom Movement), al-Tayyar al-Sadri (Sadrist Movement), and the political factions associated with Quwwat al-Ḥashd ash-Shaʿbi (Popular Mobilization Forces). The analysis focuses on their stance toward four potential scenarios: American supremacy, Saudi supremacy, Iranian supremacy, and the establishment of a power balance. The actor analysis method is employed within the Vector software to conduct this investigation.

The findings of this study highlight the profound and extensive role of Marjaeya within Iraq’s Shia coordination framework. Marjaeya stands as the principal actor in mobilizing power across the four proposed situations, thereby playing a vital role in Iraq’s future. Therefore, the Marjaeya will continue to be the main Shiite institution in regulating Iraq's foreign relations. Ayatollah Sistani, serving as Marja, implements a leadership strategy in Iraq that involves formulating broad frameworks while abstaining from involvement in specifics. While thisapproach may occasionally lead to adverse outcomes, it nonetheless facilitates the political activity of various actors within Iraq’s unique, diverse, and pluralistic society, thereby serving the country’s broader interests. The preservation and respect for such aninstitution,which has been a priority for the Islamic Republic of Iran for many years, remains essential and promotes the national interests of both Iraq and Iran.Another aspect to take into account is the appeal of maintaining a balance of power and diversity in Iraq’s foreign relations for all participants in the Shia coordination framework in Iraq. The research indicates that the preference of these participants for the balance option is not significantly different from their preference for Iran’s supremacy. However, it’s important to note that while the former option faces no opposition, the latter is opposed by groups such as al-Tayyar al-Sadri. In addition to the coordination framework, it’s crucial to acknowledge the presence of other influential entities. Consequently, it appears that the Islamic Republic of Iran, while recognizing the needs of Iraq and its Shia actors, should strive to enhance its presence and influence in Iraq with minimal friction. Naturally, such a strategy is complex and challenging, but the inevitable acceptance of a balance in which Iran remains a strategic ally of the coordination framework and seeks to expand relations with other actors will yield more benefits. This is particularly true given that Iraq’s overarching objective is to diversify its foreign relations.Another observation is that al-Tayyar al-Sadri can adopt both convergent and divergent stances concerning various objectives. This flexibility could potentially be leveraged against the Islamic Republic of Iran. The character of Moqtada Sadr and his recent activism towards Iran, particularly during the past parliamentary elections and the prime minister’s election, suggest that his capacity to diverge from Iran could provide a springboard for Iran’s rivals to destabilize the coordination framework in the Iraqi political landscape. However, Sadr knows very well that his detachment from the framework will limit the possibility and scope of his political activity. This has led him to take some considerations into account in his attitude towards Iran, Marjaeya, and Quwwat al-Ḥashd ash-Shaʿbi. In any case, Sadr’s ambivalence, while potentially serving as a conduit for threats against Iran, is also viewed as a platform for creating opportunities.

In summary, it can be said that Iraq’s future will head towards a balance and diversity in its foreign policy. For this, Iran's involvement in Iraq's foreign policy should be maintained and strengthened in this context.

Qatar and the United Arab Emirates stand as pioneers in the cultivation of soft power and national branding within the Persian Gulf region. Their leadership recognizes the pivotal role of branding in safeguarding and advancing national interests and security and continues to invest significant efforts in this domain. Recently, Saudi Arabia has also turned its attention towards this sphere, emerging as a unique and somewhat complex case study in terms of branding capacities and policies. Especially since the coming to power of the current king of Saudi Arabia in 2015 and the subsequent power consolidation of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Riyadh has embarked on a new trajectory of domestic and foreign policies. Changing Saudi Arabia’s image and its national branding is one of those. For this purpose, this paper aims to explore the fundamental question: “What role does national branding play in Saudi Arabia’s overarching policies, and how has this evolved during Salman’s reign?”

This research is theoretically and conceptually grounded in Simon Anholt’s six-dimensional conceptual framework for national branding, which encompasses Exports; Governance; Culture; People; Tourism; and Immigration and Investment. Methodologically, the study adopts a descriptive-explanatory approach. Utilizing a qualitative method, data has been collected through library research and online resources.

Over the past decades, Saudi Arabia has carved out a distinctive international reputation, effectively establishing its national brand on the global and regional stages. This image is primarily shaped by three key facets. Firstly, the nation’s substantial capacities and capabilities in oil production and export, with Saudi Aramco leading as the world’s largest exporter of this commodity. Secondly, Saudi Arabia’s significant religious standing within the Islamic world, which extends its influence globally. Thirdly, its financial and economic aid to various countries, particularly within the Islamic world. This assistance is often manifested in the form of humanitarian or developmental aid. Thus, the triad of traditional elements shaping Saudi Arabia’s reputation and national brand, thereby crafting a unique anddistinctimage of the country on the international stage, encompasses its oil industry, religious influence, and humanitarian and developmental contributions.Under the reign of King Salman, Saudi leaders have initiated a mission to reshape the past image, striving to project a new and positive depiction of the nation. While some previous policies have been maintained, significant changes have ushered in a new era for national branding. Central to this is the Vision 2030 document, which serves as the primary framework guiding efforts to effect a fundamental shift in Saudi Arabia’s position and global image. The document, aimed at diversifying Saudi Arabia’s oil-dependent economy, represents a strategic endeavor to shift the traditional perception of Saudi Arabia as merely an oil-rich country. Its three core tenets - fostering a vibrant society, building a thriving economy, and cultivating an ambitious nation - encapsulate the renewed image that Saudi leaders aspire to project, underscoring their commitment to transformative change.The Saudis have gradually come to the conclusion that the traditional religious-conservative image and the presentation of Saudi Arabia as an oil country cannot contribute much to the soft power and the country's capacities. For this, the introduction of a new image as a country with a diverse economy, an open and moderate society, and efficient and modern governance, is considered an important part of the efforts of Saudi statesmen. In this context, a variety of strategies have been implemented with the goal of advancing to a new level of national branding. The most significant of these include economic branding, along with the promotion of Saudi Arabia as a nation with a diversified economy; cultural branding and social reforms, aimed at presenting Saudi Arabia as a moderate and non-extremist society; The development of tourism and branding that leverages cultural heritage; Enhancing governance to fortify the national brand; Sports branding; and Urban branding and the creation of new cities. These initiatives are crucial in achieving this objective.Saudi leaders recognize the necessity of shifting global public opinion towards their country, including through national branding. They are striving to craft a positive, modern, and distinguished image of Saudi Arabia. These efforts involve acknowledging past weaknesses and negative perceptions, while also considering Riyadh’s regional competition with smaller neighbors such as the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. In this context, traditional capacities and structural barriers are also deemed significant.  Indeed, the political determination of the Saudis and their efforts to implement new policies and significant innovations are crucial.

Despite some accomplishments and positive outcomes in terms of national branding, there are several challenges that Saudi Arabia faces. These include:The absence of a clear definition of branding as a distinct issue in national strategies;The continued dominance of oil in Saudi Arabia’s economic structure, perpetuating the country’s image as an oil-based economy;The potential escalation of internal conflicts and divisions due to cultural and social reforms, which could lead to new crises; and.The increasing political authoritarianism within the Saudi government and the limited participation of civil society in national branding.

Judicialization of politics and the doctrine of political quistion are among the components of constitutionalization in the constitutional legal system of the United States of America. Therefore, the supremacy of the constitution considered as the main pillar of the American political order.Judicialization of politics in the United States is important, beacause modifying the doctrine of political quistion and through basic proceedings, issues have been brought into the jurisdiction and decision making of the courts, especially the Supreme Court, which have traditionally been classified as "political quistion" outside the judicial reviw United States. Lawsuits related to national security in the Supreme Court of the United States were considered as political questions and decision-making was left to the executive and legislative powers.In two cases presented, by separating the internal and external dimensions of national security, the Supreme Court considered the internal dimensions of national security outside of the political question and decided on it.Referring to the second article of the Constitution, the Supreme Court of the United States argues that the President is the only representative of the country in international affairs. The court also introduces the president as not only the head of the executive branch but also the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Therefore, he has the authority to make decisions about the interests and external aspects of national security. Of course, he is responsible for these powers and must be accountable. In order to guarantee the principles of republicanism and democracy, the constitution deems judicial supervision of the president's decisions regarding national security inevitable.No article or book has been published in Persian about judicialization and national security. The author of this article has previously published an article about the governance of national security and judicialization in Iran's judicial system. Research on the issue of politics and radicalization in the United States is available. However, considering national security as a political issue and explaining the procedure of the court in examining related claims can be considered the main issue and innovation of this article. 

The results of this research are based on the theoretical foundations of the concepts of judicialization and political quistion. After analyzing the theoretical foundations, two decisions of the Supreme Court of America have been analyzed and analyzed based on the commentator-oriented interpretation method. First, the opinion of the judges of the court is stated, and then the criteria for decision-making and the governing principles of the method of interpreting the text of the constitution are explained.

The research results indicate the following. (a) Ambiguity in the concept of national security in the legal system of the United States of America. (b) The extensive authority of the president as the commander-in-chief and also the sole representative of the nation in international relations has created a constitutional crisis. (c) The separation of national security interests in the internal and external dimensions has determined the political quistion. (d) The external dimension of national security is considered a political question and the court refuses to hear legal claims in this regard. The Supreme Court of Korea argues that the president, as the sole representative of the American nation and the commander-in-chief, has broad powers and is accountable to the Congress and the people for these powers.