فهرست مطالب محمدکریم محمدی

Syria has strategic importance for Iran. Sudden rise of the Syrian Kurds in the context of regional political developments in the region in a rapid timespan, especially in light of Syrian developments on regional and transregional scales attracted the attention of many scholars. Syrian Kurds who were ignored as invisible ghosts before the crisis suddenly appeared as a serious actor in these developments. Drawing upon a historical approach and using the discourse theory, this article seeks to answer the question of how the Kurds in Syria were marginalized and how they returned to the content. To answer this question, the authors formulated the hypothesis that a set of historical factors such as the policies of the Mandate era, changes in transitional period, the Ba’ath Party and Kurdish-Syrian relations have been among the most important factors in marginalizing Kurds. The authors analyze the historical backgrounds of Kurdish marginalization and study their discursive context. On the other hand, the adoption of the democratic confederal discourse instead of a nationalist one has played a major part, from a discursive perspective, in bringing Kurds to the content in northern Syria in post-2011 period. One of the most important findings of this research has been paying attention to the role of discursive turn in the developments of northern Syria and showing this fundamental issue that, if the situation in northern Syria is stabilized, the hegemony of this discourse will have regional consequences.

Postmodernism, as the current which has emerged out of developments in the modern world, and by enjoying the critical discourse of modernity, has created many effects on various spheres, including in the political arena. In this research, by raising this question that, what is the relation between post-modernism and politics, this hypothesis is formulated that, postmodernism, when implemented in politics, under the influence of relativistic attitudes in the ontological, epistemological and ethical spheres, offers a cynical and skeptical approach to power and rule, which leads to suspension the possibility of any political judgment or political action. In order to test this hypothesis, and by taking advantage of a coherent conceptual framework, first, the genealogy of this current, based on modernity’s process of change and evolution, is investigated and then, by analyzing different aspects of postmodern though in the realm of ontological, epistemological, ethics and politics, the consequences of this approach, on the political and related areas of power and politics, are analyzed.

Following the collapse of Ottoman empire, there started a process of redefining collective identity under the influence of Kemalism among the Muslems. Through relying on two theories of Turk’s history and Red language policies, Kemalism claimed to be a scientific theoretical base for articulating national identity of modern Turkey. The present article presents the fundamental question of: how was Kemalism created? through formulating this hypothesis that Kemalistic national identity is not based on historical facts but on a discourse construction dependent on two approaches of Turk’s history and Red language politically created in confrontation with the West. To test this hypothesis, the current article utilizes discourse theory through focusing on historical genealogy of Turkish modern national identity and discourse. Most significant findings of this article involves alignment methods in the balanced chain and specific signified-making of various signifiers, variation of political factors, modeling west in fabricating history and constructing Kemalism modern national identity.

after the fall of ottoman empire there was started a process of redefinition of collective identity in the middle east that all of them influenced  by discourses  can be collected under a conceptual umbrella named " the kamalism discourses ".the pastoral nationalism that believe to puritanization of national identity based on given superiority of a race,a language ,a historical civilization  of  a adhoc ethnicity is it's determinative character and by this make possible the articulation of signifiers such as  nationalism, secularism, modernization and westernization from one side and construct the new identity in the internal core of a  convergent political structure called nation-state from the other side. the damages on the middle east countries because of reproduction of this discourse in the Arabian, Persian, Turkish, Kurdish versions since one century signify the need and necessity of leaving and breaking this pastoral nationalism. this article by proposed this question that"the Kamalism truth regime articulated based on what principles?" Try to formulate this hypothesis that" the truth regime of Kamalism articulated the national identity of Turkey not based on historical facts but  on the  fabrication of history and   an orientalism reading".for the analysis of this hypothesis by refere to discourse analysis theory pay the attention to the essence of Kamalism identity at first and the identity politics of ottoman empire in the different periods based on genealogy method  at second. in the third section by explaining of the method of equivalence chain queue of Kamalism, we try to signify the role of  plural political factors ,especially the contribution of orientalism discipline and benchmarking from west in the fabrication of history and constructed of national identity in Kamalism discourse

The idea of pragmatic truth in Richard Rorty's thought is an alternative method to search the truth, not in a way that the western philosophical tradition has dealt with heretofore. In examining the notion of truth, Rorty's pragmatic approach contrast with the two narratives raised in western philosophical thought: on the one hand, with Platonic-Cartesian tradition, in which reality is interpreted as a metaphysical matter; and on the other hand, with post-modernist narrative who believes in the deconstruction of truth and claims of relativity of truth. To find an answer to the question: What are the proportions and consequences of established relation between truth and politics in Rorty’s political thought?, the authors formulate the hypothesis that "the connection established between truth and politics in Rorty's thought, leads to innovate a politics relying on social hope, based on the thesis of priority of democracy over philosophy". Accordingly, efforts have been made, by analyzing the pattern of pragmatic truth which posed by Rorty, to show that this pattern is a continuation of the same concept of truth in William James and John Dewey's pragmatic tradition in the form of linguistic turn. Also it is characterized by an emphasis on solidarity, versus of what Rorty calls “will of objectivity”. While this version is not without any claim of objectivity, and avoid falling into the trap of relativism, considers a concept that in a practical manner, is useful to meet pragmatically the objectives and solve the political problems.

Following the set of movements called 'Arab Spring' which surrounded most of the Middle East and North African countries, Syria also threw into crises. Most analysis concentrated on the competition of big international and geopolitical powers in this crisis. Although the foreign variable plays a very influential role, the role played by the internal factors should not be also ignored. Therefore, this study is an attempt to put the issue in the following question: what is the effect of the internal factors in continuation and entrenchment of the Syrian crisis? To answer this question, the authors tried to evaluate the following hypothesis using the discourse analysis methodology of Laclau and Mouffe: the manner of structuring the conflicting discourses is the sign of their in-depth differences in such a way that it has made a minimal common denominator of the Syrian future impossible, as the main reason of its continuation and deepening. Based on factors like discursive cohesion and influential strength, three discourses of 'Baath', 'Takfiri-Jihadi' and 'the Kurds self-rule model' were chosen among many others. Surveying on the signs of each discourse seems essential to explain the relations between Syrian crisis and the mentality of the players involved. Therefore, through studying the ways of arranging the chains of equivalent of various discourses, this study tries to explicate the reasons for the continuation and deepening of the crisis from the viewpoint of discursive conflict of internal factors as one of its two main crisis bases.

This Study uses Discourse analysis for showing articulation of ISIS discourse and in doing so avoids reductionist views that focus on event in Iraq and Syria in twenty first century. Firs there are a Genealogy about salafis from Ibn Timiyeh to Seyed Ghotb in twentieth century. The focus is on Collapse of Ottoman Empire and domination of secular discourses. After that a discussion will be brought about events resulting from confrontation of Islamic discourses with Secularism. Finally meaning of signifiers to Islam and their function in thinking system of ISIS and especially central signifier of caliphate are analyzed. Therefore this study wants to use Discourse analysis of Laclau and Mouffe to answer this question: what are cognitive foundations of ISIS discourse and how it has been articulated? For answering the question this hypothesis is measured: Takfiri- Salafi thought and confrontation of Islam with secularism after caliphate period is an important foundation for ISIS discourse. This foundation has been articulated around central signifier of caliphate and provides legitimation sphere and otherness. In this study the most important Islamic concepts like monotheism, Jihad, Takfir, fight with heresy, sharia enforcement and return to competent predecessors around central signifier of caliphate will be under analysis and their function for caliphate discourse will be shown. Therefore we can understand appearance, power, violence and efforts for hegemony of ISIS.At the the end we can say again that this study avoids reductionist views and tries to uncover different cognitive layers and historical grounds of ISIS.

The glourios Islamic revolution in Iran is a great change throughout the history of Iran and it has brought with itself enormous achievements which are not comparable with the past era. Although there are some improvements regarding political development in comparation with the past era, but these improvement are far from the ideal situation of an Islamic system. Influence of political culture on political development?A culture approach is used to answer this question .Thus a hypothesis has been tested which counts political culture as the major factor in prevention of realization of political development. For this purpose and regarding different study approaches, the most improvement elements of political culture are extracted. Based on these elements it is shown that the former cultural situation continues to its existence and this culture has a wide gap with civil culture which is the best culture for a democratic system. Therefore political culture of Iran has not provided a ground for political development and is a major obstacle in this regard. A comprtion between political culture and authority pattern, participation pattern, party formation and interaction with foreigners proves this argument. Therefore development in Iran needs cultural preparation.