فهرست مطالب ابراهیم آقامحمدی

Power, as one of the important components of civil affairs, has generally been the subject of the theoretical reflections of most political and social philosophers; The question of what and how power and its origin and legitimacy have been considered in these theoretical reflections. In this regard, the main question of this research is what is the position of power in Islamic thought and the modern state. For this purpose, this research has compared two thinkers from two different civilizations and times. The hypothesis of the research is that although the concept of power has a significant place in the epistemological system of these two thinkers, the type of approach and the way of conceptual processing is a function of the different thought bases of the two. According to the Platonic-Aristotelian basis of his philosophy, the end of power in Farabi's utopia political system is true happiness, and in the non-ideal political system it is conquest. While for Foucault, power has a social nature and it analyzes the relationships and the network of different social relationships at all levels, rather than being directed towards civil ends; And it also deals with its systematic alternative, resistance. However, in Farabi's thought, a kind of resistance is proposed in the theory of succession, which, although it is negative for him, can be read in the context of a critical reading approach. The method of interpretative research and data collection was library and documentary.

Disputes between China and India are a complex historical issue. The 70th anniversary of China-Indian relations in 2020 became one of the most crucial years in the history of bilateral relations. Following the formation of a dispute between the two countries over shared borders and the creation of military posts, Chinese and Indian forces were heavily involved in battles in the Galvan Valley near Ladakh on June 15, which killed Indian and Chinese forces. The question that arises here concerns the causes of the Sino-Indian border disputes as well as their continuation. The hypothesis of the present descriptive-analytical study is that the colonial heritage and the unwillingness of the great powers to accurately determine the common boundaries in the past have led to the formation and persistence of critical conditions between the two countries. The findings of the study show that although the colonial contexts have led to border disputes between China and India, none of the parties took advantage of the opportunities to solve the problem at various historical stages and did not succeed in bilateral negotiations.

The history of Iran and Russia is tied to two wars and two infamous Gulistan and Turkmenchay treaties. Although these wars began for some domestic reasons in both countries but international events affected their beginning and end as well. The question arising here is how developments in Europe, such as the rise of Napoleon, and especially the attempt by European countries to establish a system of balance of power, influenced the first round of Russo-Persian wars. The main hypothesis of the present study, carried out taking a descriptive-analytical approach, is that the system of balance of power in Europe caused European actors to negotiate and bargain over colonies or other small states to capture a land or parts of it instead of confronting each other in Europe. The research findings show that the British effort for the containment of France and establishing a balance of power in Europe, as well as protecting its interests in India, provided Russians with an opportunity to occupy and capture parts of Iran without the presence and intervention of a third-party opponent.

Management of issues is the conflict between national actions influenced by nationalist demands and collective actions resulting from convergent efforts.. With the emergence of the Corona Pandem in early 2020, how to manage it nationally and internationally has become an important issue that includes a range of national and international actions. How international pandemic management has a fundamental impact on the post-Corona international order. Meanwhile, analyzes based on exciting changes with no historical perspective downplay the interconnected elements of the international system and imagine fundamental change, but it is still a question of what happened and what exactly.Changed, very vague and vague. The question here is: What pattern does the International Pandemic Management follow, and what will the post-Corona international order look like? In response, it can be said that although in the early stages of the Pandemic Crisis Management, nationalist demands have been overcome and convergent efforts at the regional and international levels have been seriously questioned, it seems that action is needed in the long run. Such convergences and the softening of nationalism for global governance have such issues.

Measuring Criminal Rules of Nuclear Law in International DocumentsPenal Code Penalties within the framework of criminal law as a group of rules applied at national, regional or international level to counteract nuclear-related or radioactive energy-related practices or governments requiring them to be criminally liable. Can be distinguished from other rules of the same manner based on the extremely dangerous nature inherent in nuclear or radioactive energy. The paper seeks to assess international standards for the criminalization of nuclear rights at the international level, including the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material, the International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorism, and the UN Security Council resolutions. The paper seeks to assess international standards for the criminalization of nuclear rights at the international level, including the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material, the International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorism, and the UN Security Council resolutions.Key Words: Nuclear Terrorism, International Law, Nuclear Law, Criminal Law, International Covenant of Anti-Terrorism, Security Council Resolutions.

The emergence of the Corona pandemic in early 2020 has become a major concern for national and international concerns and activities, which makes it unavoidable to be aware of global causes and effects and to respond appropriately to this emerging international phenomenon. What has been posed so far as the challenges of world politics have been hard issues such as nuclear proliferation and soft issues such as the environment, but never has a disease, which has spread all over the world, been included in global politics. The question that arises is: Can the Corona Pandemic be on the agenda of world politics and be considered as one of the soft issues of world politics? In response, it can be assumed that: Although the Corona pandemic has severely affected the world community, it is not yet eligible to be on the agenda of global politics, and this depends on the extent to which the international system has had significant influence, continuity and diplomatic responses. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the possibility or impossibility of designing a corona pandemic as a global policy agenda and assessing the situation after it. First, by presenting the theoretical framework, how to determine the issues of the world policy agenda, then the Corona pandemic is evaluated as a soft international issue and the possibility of change in the global policy agenda, according to the recent developments.

The field of international health relations includes a set of international rules and regulations, governmental and non-governmental actors, international institutions, and the relationships among them that work within global health. The international health system has undergone many changes in recent years, the main focus of which is the World Health Organization, which since its establishment has taken effective measures to develop and promote global health in coordination with governments. But despite changes in international health regulations and the development of international institutions, cooperation between international actors, especially governments, is challenging in some circumstances. The corona pandemic, as a major source of concern, is now exposing the international community’s fragility. Governments have shown reluctance to make decisive decisions about this crisis. This reluctance stems, on the one hand, that scientific evidence on the nature and extent of issues related to the disease remains ambiguous and controversial, and on the other hand, possible conflicts of interest have complicated the possibility of a global consensus. The question is: what has been the performance of the international health system, especially as regards international health regulations, the World Health Organization and governments, and is it worthwhile for them to deal with the Corona pandemic? The results of the present study show that despite the development of the global health system in recent years and its relative success in the face of international crises, there is a need for institutional development and strengthening of health diplomacy.

The Vietnam War is one of the most important events of the bipolar era, which had a profound impact on both sides of the conflict. This war of attrition not only provoked international reactions, but also inflamed the domestic political climate of countries, especially the United States. In this war, for the first time, incredible images of naked violence using new technologies from the front lines were published around the world earlier than written reports. The release of these images set the stage for a poststructuralist account of the war, one of which can be seen in Oliver Stone's trilogy. The question is what does the poststructuralist account of the Vietnam War contain, and can Stone's Trilogy be included in this formulation? The aim of this paper is to analyze the Vietnam War from the perspective of poststructuralism chiefly drawing on Baudrillard's theory and the concepts of hyper-reality, simulation, and implosion searching it in the Stone Trilogy. The results show that although the Stone Trilogy can be considered a poststructuralist account of the Vietnam War, it incorporates some structural elements from the US society.

Indonesia is one of the Muslim countries in Southeast Asia, making significant economic and political progress in recent decades. Today, this progress in the political arena is seen as the activities of various groups in the form of political parties and factions in this country's decision-making process. The main question here is, "Why have Indonesian Shiites failed to change their socio-political position and failed to find a suitable political role and position in the country?" To answer the question, based on the combination of the two theories of political mobilization and the structure of political opportunity, it can be stated that "The five components of a dispersed population, along with the weak economic strength of the Shiite people, fragmented and non-political leaders, the prevailing ideology and obstruction of the political system, the dysfunctional organization and the lack of access to influential allies and the political non-use of media opportunities had played an essential role in this situation. The findings also show that Indonesia's Shiite population does not have the necessary geographical cohesion, organizations with a synergistic and mobilizing approach, dynamic and practical ideology, and leaders with socio-political concerns. Therefore, the Shiites of this country have been deprived of the process of participation in power. In this paper, the descriptive-analytical method and library method have been used to collect and analyze data.

United Nations Charter, relying on historical events, absolutely prohibited the use of force in international law and relations. In spite of this, the need for predicting the cases of using force in order to keep international peace and security requires it that through systematizing the possibility of resorting to force and institutionalizing it within the system of the Security Council of the United Nations, the use of force be allowed in cases where the realities of the international community not only logically explains but also authorizes the use of force. Although the right of self-defense and the authority of the Security Council are the two exceptions contained in the UN Charter to materialize the mentioned goal, in recent decades, a concept, known as humanitarian intervention, has emerged, and has been considered by some states as the third exception to the principle of prohibition of the use of force. The question the present study asks in this regard is that if NATO's intervention in Kosovo War can be considered as legitimate within the definition of humanitarian intervention of the international law. Can one claim that a new tradition, or put differently, a new exception to the principle of the prohibition of resorting to force is being formed? The response to this question is that currently no exception to the aforementioned principle has been accepted under the title of humanitarian intervention. This article discusses the concept of humanitarian intervention and the legitimacy of such a claim.

Identity is of utmost significance in the way we think. One of the main aspects of the Islamic Revolution which has an effect on both domestic and foreign policies is the identity that the new government has assumed. The most important component of the Islamic Revolution is the attempt to establish the Islamic government worldwide and the other constituent elements serve the same purpose and thus each may occupy a position depending on the role they play to achieve this purpose. This identity in the plane of foreign policy determines its own definition, its position in the international community, definition of other things, and the way in which it treats others. The question that arises here is “What position do the foundations of ideological identity occupy in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran?” The answer to this question is that ‘it is supposed that after the advent of the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of the new government, the Islamic identity has taken a pivotal role in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran.’ The present article seeks to cast light on the role this important element plays in the formulation and implementation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Drawing upon the analytic-descriptive research method and making reference to the first-hand sources and arguments, the article studies the concept of identity and ideology among various theories and goes on to deal with the role they play in the construction of the identity of the Islamic-revolutionary government and its foreign relations in respect to such categories as world government, support, negation of dominance, justice, etc.

Armenia has captured a part of Azerbaijan's territory on the basis of its free interpretation of the right of nations to self-determination. Despite numerous efforts by various states and institutions, the two sides have not reached an agreement over this issue. Nevertheless, the question that arises is that is Armenia with a free interpretation of self-determination rightful to blemish on the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan? In response to this claim, it is argued that because of the importance of the territorial integrity principle in international law any violation of this law is illegitimate. Thus, the present article, taking a legal approach to this political and historical issue, studied nation's self-determination right and territorial integrity principle, and concluded that according to nation's principle of territorial integrity and the right to self-determination under international law, any action against this principle is illegitimate and Armenians living in Karabakh can only enjoy the provisions of international law.

Since the Europe Union, various theories have tried to why, how, and to examine the results of the integration process. Neo functionalists on the spread, inter governmentalizes on talks between the governments and the role of consensus, constructivists on identity issues and intersubjective interaction, institutionalizes on the formation of supranational institutions and the new realists emphasize the balance of power in the international system. After the events of the crisis in Europe are again important to analyze this process thinkers have focused on this area. The question that arises here is whether any of these views can the current situation (crisis) to analyze Europe Union? In other words, which of them can be a good theoretical basis for the analysis of the Europe Union is a crisis situation? In response to this question can be said that more theories can analyze the conditions of the growing Integration. But among them the theories of Inter governmentalize can better analyze the current situation.

Analyzing the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (I.R.I) has been influenced by different and some paradoxical theories. Scholars have attempted to study different eras of Iran’s foreign policy using various theoretical approaches such as realism, idealism, constructivism, and discourse analysis. Therefore, it seems essential to achieve an appropriate analytical framework in order to identify the effective elements in formulating the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy. In our view, analytical framework of structure- agency (structuration) is an appropriate means to study behaviors and processes in Iran’s foreign policy. The present article addresses the structuration theory in sociology and how it has entered the vocabulary of international relations studies, and discusses about its applicability to the foreign policy analysis. Finally, it deals with elements of structure and agency affecting the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy.