اسماعیل شفیعی سروستانی

considering the significant effects of the Taliban's return to power on Iran, it is crucial to analyze this event from various perspectives. Therefore, the central question of this paper focuses on the examination of the Taliban’s discourse within the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and its ideological repercussions for governance in Iran. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the Taliban's rule over Afghanistan is underpinned by discursive foundations and has multiple political and social implications, which are both shaped by this discourse and directly impact Iran. Research findings indicate that the Taliban’s discourse is not theological but rather reflects a form of Salafi fundamentalism that is incompatible with Afghanistan's sociocultural fabric, exacerbating internal tensions and leading to social instability. This instability poses negative consequences for governance in Iran, ranging from conflicts between Shia and Sunni discourses to issues such as an increase in the number of migrants. The research adopts a discourse analysis approach, with data gathered through library research.

World War I, which had been involved in more than 26 countries in the world, also infiltrated Iran's throne at the same time as Ahmad Shah Qajar. The unjust entry of the colonialists to Iran began when the Qajar Minister Mostofi al -Mamalek had officially declared Iran's neutrality in the war, but the arrival of hostile forces from the north and south to the country in addition to led to Iran's political, military and economic developments, such as huge problems such as Insecurity, famine, internal divisions, economic and social weaknesses of the people's distrust of the sovereignty.Especially the issue of famine, which is one of the major catastrophes, according to historians and researchers, a kind of Holocaust in Iranian history. The main question of this study is how international issues have had on converting Iran's great famine into a historical catastrophe?The hypothesis of this study is that one of the factors that contribute to the extension and exacerbation of the great famine has been of great importance, especially England.

This study employs a realist framework to examine diplomacy within the context of policy-making and public policy, focusing on the threats and conflicts characterizing the relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia from 2011 to 2020. This analysis is guided by Iran’s General policy frameworks and aims to be practically applied, using a descriptive research method and relying on data gathered through a library-based approach. The study addresses the following central question: "What are the domains of competition in regional diplomacy between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia post-Islamic Revolution?" The research posits that regional conflicts between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia encompass political, religious, and ideological arenas, each subdivided into smaller areas. Regional dynamics have aggravated the crisis in their bilateral relations. Owing to the diplomatic and regional rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia, these evolving dynamics have intensified bilateral tensions and increased divergence.

Since the fall of Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, to the hands of the Taliban in August 2021, Afghanistan has become a major source of concern for countries in the region and for the international community in general, especially as the country suffers from three main challenges: A person who has caused socio-economic unrest. The growing threat of terrorism originating from Afghanistan due to the inability of the Taliban movement to contain the terrorist groups present in Afghanistan, as well as the refusal of this movement to cooperate regionally or internationally to deal with this threat, the Taliban's refusal to accept the political participation of other ethnic minorities, legitimacy The regime questions this movement for the people of Afghanistan and the international community, and as a result increases the possibility of political and security unrest in the country. In such a situation, the question arises, what will be the future of Afghanistan's political and security life under the leadership of the Taliban? In response, it can be said that according to the existing challenges, three scenarios of "coup within the movement", "the fall of Kabul under the rule of "Islamic Government Organization - Khorasan Province", "the emergence of a parallel government with the revival of the Northern Alliance" can be imagined for the future of Afghanistan. . The research method is qualitative and prospective.

Today, special economic zones are on the agenda of governments as one of the policy tools to attract investment, support production and develop exports and imports. Basically, these areas were created with the aim of attracting foreign direct investment and facilitating the process of transferring emerging technologies and supporting the production process and improving the export capability in the country. This issue is also true for the special economic zones affiliated to Iran's Mines and Mineral Industries Development and Modernization Organization (IMIDRO). In this article, an attempt was made to analyze the flow and process of attracting foreign and domestic direct investment in these regions based on the theoretical framework of extroversion. The findings of the research indicate that from the point of view of attracting foreign and domestic investment, the special economic zones active in the field of energy, such as the metal and mineral industries of the Persian Gulf and Parsian, have acted more effectively and successfully than the two regions of Kashan and Lamard. However, reasons such as the sanctions system, inattention to production, preference for local demand over accurate location and infrastructure assessment, and neglect of banking and insurance reforms to encourage investment have been among the reasons for the failure of these regions.

Security, fighting insecurity and development are three important factors in every country, so thinkers have tried to find a relationship between them. Developing this relationship in developing countries such as Iran and Iraq considering the security approach is deeply difficult. On the other hand, middle east is a geo-political area which has common positive and negative aspects of the countries, which can on its own account, result in opportunities and threats. The internal challenges and the external threats has made middle east a fragile area. However, one can identify internal strengths and external opportunities which can bring along coherence, development, and security among the countries. Iran and Iraq have cooperation on the one hand, and opportunities and challenges on the other, some of which are related to the internal environment and some others to their regional and international spheres. To be coherent, they need a model based on the internal and external elements that can soothe the challenges at the expense of the opportunities. That being said, the chances for the security cooperation between Iran and Iraq has been stated in line with the general policies of the system. This study focuses on the following question: what impact does the security cooperation in national and international level have on the counter-terrorism plans (regional and international) of Iran and Iraq? To answer this, it is hypothesized that the counter-terrorism plans can bring the two countries closer from the political and security aspects to be more in line in combating against terrorism. To test out this hypothesis, after some theoretical and historical studies, a descriptive-analytical method was used to convergence theory between the two countries from the perspective of counter-terrorism and convergence. Then, the security and counter-terrorism plans were content-analyzed. Afterwards, it was attempted to investigate the geo-political realities of the region so that a convergence model for the region could be designed.

The present article investigates and studies the position of Islamic resistance forces in the politics of Iran in the Middle East. The main question of the article is: What is the role of Islamic resistance groups in foreign policy? A. Iran plays in the Middle East region? The hypothesis that is raised following this question is: the use of Islamic resistance groups by J. A. Iran should be considered in the framework of the principle of self-help, which foreign policy c. A. Iran follows its neighbors and Middle East countries. The results of the research show that, firstly, the Islamic Republic of Iran uses the self-help policy - which the Islamic resistance groups are the means of realizing - according to its ideological, geopolitical and security requirements, and secondly, this regime, in line with its transnational goals. prefers supporting Islamic resistance groups over regional cooperation and alliances in the Middle East. In the present study, the research method is a descriptive-analytical qualitative method and the discussed data were collected through library sources and in the form of surveys.

West Asia is undergoing major developments; several great revolutions have taken place in the region in the past few years, and on the other hand, war, terrorism, and the widespread involvement of international powers in it have severely challenged the independence and territorial integrity of the region and West Asia in full swing. Be inflammatory. The purpose of this article is to examine the political and security approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the crisis in the West Asian region. This article has studied this issue by collecting data through library study and citation. The purpose of national security policies is to protect the national interest, the status quo, the survival of the country and the like. The results show that in order to succeed in its international interactions in the West Asian region, both in the field of defense and in the field of foreign policy.