فهرست مطالب جعفر نقدی عشرت آباد

Understandig power in the Islamic Republic of Iran is difficult both in terms of conceptual complexity and due to the multi-layered nature of the policy-making process. Looking at power as “resource” or “behavior” can help to understand it. In fact, this research seeks to answer the question that how can power in the Islamic Republic of Iran be explained on the “Power currency” concept? For answer the question, the characteristics of this new concept of power were analyzed and it was found that the power currency can be represented in three aspects of brilliance, benignity and beauty (3B), and each of them shows a part of the preciousness of power. The descriptive-analytical research method was used to collect data from library sources and documents. Based on this method, first, the concept of power currency was examined as a theoretical framework so that it can be applied to the power of the Islamic Republic of Iran by deducing the axes of this concept. The results of the research showed the power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 4 political, cultural-social, defense-military and economic dimensions (4) and components (19) and indicators (28) (power currency) can be explained in three aspects of brightness, benignity and beauty.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the change in Turkish strategy against ISIS from "support" to "battling". In order to understand is used the approach of the "structure of the international system," which is a synthesis of "regional hegemonic structure" and "trans-regional repulse structure" to indicate why Turkey is carried out to the "big change".For this purpose, is used descriptive-analytical method and relied on documentary sources through library research. The findings show because of the limitations of the regional structure due to superiority of Kurds, the axis of resistance and Russia as the dominant forces on the one hand and Trans-regional systemic pressures due to discredit front of the US, EU and international institutions / world public opinion, on the other hand, turkey was forced to strategic turn in its policy against ISIS. So, this kind of revisionism comes from a tradition based on realistic in order to restore power and national security not from the revolutionary tradition based on real determination to fight terrorism.

Among the important factors influencing the position of countries, space, power and identity are the main elements of which are shaping critical geopolitical theory; and in the new era, different countries and actors use them in different ways. Considering this issue, the purpose of this article is to use these elements in analyzing Turkey’s approach to ISIS. The research method of this paper is descriptive and analytical. In the first phase, the elements of critical geopolitical theory are described, and then the Turkey’s approach to ISIS has been analyzed based on these elements. The findings of this study indicate that the approach of the Turkish government against ISIL during ISIL's rule can be analyzed on the basis of critical geopolitical elements. The findings of this study indicate that according to the elements of critical geopolitical theory, the Turkish state, based on the metaphor power, by impalpable support from ISIS, was due to weaken the political and regional status of the regional resistance, especially Iran. In the sphere of metaphor of space, Turkey tried to reduce Federalist tendencies of Kurdish and ultimately in the scope of identity metaphor, alongside alienating and weakening Shiite thinking, gradually to display the identity of Islam that in addition to reproducing the origins of Ottomanism's nostalgia, to make the Islamic and regional identity of the Justice and Development Party more institutionalized.

After the victory of Islamic revolution in Iran the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia as two regional powers moved in a conflicting direction. There are several reasons for this trend. Reasons like Iran's competition with Saudi Arabia for leadership of Islamic world, leadership of Shiites versus leadership of Wahhabi and Saudi's cooperation with West versus Iran's anti-West stands but there has been change and fluctuation in these policies due to change of governments in Iran. The present paper wants to examine the relations between the two countries from a different perspective and distinct from the existing international relations theories and is called motivational realism. The paper examines the relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran from the time of coming into power of Ahmadinejad till now and studies the relations between the two countries in these two periods by a comparative method. The paper wants to know that despite considerable differences between the foreign policies of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani government what has been the Saudi Arabia's reaction to moderate foreign policy of Rouhani? What has been the impact of moderate foreign policy orientation of Rouhani on regional policies of Iran and Saudi Arabia?

The Islamic revolution of 1979 has different reflections in the Middle East. It was inspiring for oppressed people and disturbing for many repressive governments. Meanwhile, the Arab regimes have been attempting to confront the potential impacts of the Iranian revolution. They announced officially the establishment of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in May 1981 with the aim to confront Iran. Although the relationship between Iran and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council has been unsteady and complicated, it seems that both sides especially the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council prefer competition rather than cooperation. In the present paper, the theory of "security community" and "regional Fortresses” (Alex Bellamy) was used To better understand the relationships between Iran and PGCC. Based on this approach, the authors demonstrate that how PGCC Suppose Iran as a threat to their identity and act in accordance with this supposition.

Events of Middle East and North Africa, known as the Islamic awakening, is considered as one of the most magnificent events in the contemporary history of the Arab world; because these events made different Middle Eastern countries engage at the same time, and constructed the new equations in this critical region. Accordingly, in this paper we attempt to review issues such as the nature and types of threat perception has been shaped by the existence of Islamic Awakening movements associated Persian Gulf Cooperation Council and also to analyze acting and reacting to the countries of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council related to the Islamic awakening in different levels. In this regard we have emphasized on the application of descriptive - analytical method in the framework of the security community Karl Deutsch and Alex J. Bellamy to the three questions have been proven. First: Islamic Awakening has been threatening subject to the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council and according to the same problem they have tried to take these threats into opportunities in the framework of Regional Politics. Second: the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is the source of the threat to the Islamic awakening in further beyond its borders and not as an internal matter and civil demand notice. The third point is that the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council member states- with regard to the nature of the regime governing-to use approaches of hard power.