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Due to environmental changes and global warming, the competition between regional powers especially NATO countries and Russia has intensified to gain geo-strategic and geo-economic advantages in the Arctic region. The Arctic holds approximately 13% of the world's oil reserves and Russia holds the largest share of the region's oil and gas resources. The Arctic also make a significant contribution to Russia's economy, accounting for one-fifth of its GDP and 30% of government revenues. Six out of eight Arctic countries are NATO members, including the United States, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Iceland, and Finland. Sweden is interested in joining this organization because of its close cooperation with NATO. The existence of common interests has increased the diplomatic and military relations among NATO member states in the Arctic and has made NATO and Russia the main players in the region. Nevertheless, Russia-Ukraine War and the subsequent increase in NATO's active presence in the region have intensified concerns for Russia in this competition. In addition, Finland's recent membership in NATO has expanded the organization's border areas with Russia and any actions by NATO member states poses a threat to Russia's interests and national security in the Arctic.

Research question: 

Considering the above factors, the main question is what is Russia’s strategy to deal with NATO's threats in the Arctic region?

Research hypothesis: 

The study shows that Russia has adopted a balance-of-power strategy to counter NATO's threats by strengthening the military balance in the region.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

This study uses a qualitative and descriptive approach to analyze the content of selected data together with subject matter analysis. The theoretical approach of the research is based on the components of Kenneth Waltz's balance of power theory, which emphasizes that governments create balance by increasing their capabilities against the dominant power in the region and international system.

By adopting a multifaceted policy in the Arctic region, NATO seeks to limit Russia and its interests and national security. First, NATO has expanded its military activities in the region by increasing its bases, conducting military exercises, and establishing a submarine defense line. Second, NATO has suspended cooperation with Russia in regional Arctic organizations; on March 9, 2022, members of the European Arctic Barents Council announced the suspension of cooperation with the Russian Federation.It was most striking when the seven members of the Arctic Council issued a joint statement and refused to participate in all meetings under Russia's chairmanship on March 3, 2022. Third, sanctions have been imposed and investment companies have left the Arctic region. Fourth, NATO worked for regional integration, Finland's membership and encouraging other countries such as Sweden to apply for permanent membership. And fifth, the internationalization of the North Sea route is another NATO threat to Russia in the Arctic. The North Sea route is one of Moscow's main interests in the region which is reflected in Russia's foreign policy documents. These actions are reminiscent of the military build-up of allies and Axis powers during World War II and the cold war as demonstrated by NATO's recent collective defense scenario. They provoked negative reactions from Russia and responded by the adopting a balancing policy against NATO threats. To overcome these concerns, Russia has strengthened its military capabilities in the region by building radar stations and missile defense systems, increasing military forces, strengthening, and equipping the naval force known as the Northern Fleet, modernizing naval bases and conducting various military exercises. 

Having vast territory and largest hydrocarbon resources, Russia considers the Arctic a strategic deterrent base against NATO's activities, especially those of the United States. However, since the start of the Russia-Ukraine war, Moscow has increased its emphasis on expanding military bases and strengthening military capabilities in the Arctic, Finland's membership in NATO and Sweden's potential membership have doubled Russia's border threats while tying the countries to a proxy war. NATO members know that Russia is alone in the Arctic and that its strategic allies do not have the abilities to have a military presence in the region. On the contrary, NATO member states have tried to increase the number of non-Arctic states in the region in the form of military exercises. But Russia has increased its attention to defense and security issues in the Arctic. Therefore, measures are being taken to strengthen the power of Russian armed forces in the region. Russia also has a policy of multilateralism on its agenda in the Arctic. As long as the war between Russia and Ukraine continues on the international stage, tensions will continue in the Arctic and Ukraine's efforts to get NATO and the United States more involved in confronting Russia will escalate tensions in the Arctic.

As China seeks to introduce itself as a regional hegemon and a global influential power through the creation of a new economic order and the expansion of the political and security sphere, India seeks to overshadow China's interests and hegemonic behavior by adopting various policies. While the achievements of the Modi government in foreign policy have made India a big and influential power in the region and the international system. Taking these considerations into consideration, the question that arises is, "What policies has India and especially Modi's government put on the foreign policy agenda to counter China's hegemony?" The hypothesis is raised on the basis that India has created challenges and limitations in the political, military, economic and cultural dimensions for the China's hegemony through policies such as non-commitment, action towards the East, first neighborhood and multilateralism in the international system. This study has used a qualitative method based on an exploratory data analysis (EDA) . In the present study, data is qualitative and has been extracted from library and internet sources. Also, Kenneth Waltz's theory of balance of power has been used for the purpose of scientific and theoretical analysis of the research problem.

During the previous years the geo-politic of South Asia has been a scene for competition of New-Delhi and Beijing thanks to the latter’s the Belt and Road Initiative. India views the initiative a threat for its national interests; on the one hand it could challenge India’s plan for becoming regional hegemony and on the other hand the initiative could weaken India’s position in the international system. For these reasons, New-Delhi has adopted some policies in which prevent China to become a regional hegemony through the Belt and Road Initiative and meanwhile improve its own position regionally and internationally. Accordingly, the main question of the research is what are India’s policies in order to confront threats of China’s belt and Road initiative? The hypothesis is that in order to confront the Belt and Road Initiative and China increasingly power in the framework of this initiative, India has adopted some policies and strategies in foreign policy arena such as creating competing commercial corridors, development of maritime transport infrastructures, strengthen economic convergence with regional countries, increase naval power and influence, strengthen regional multilateralism with the aim of expanding technical and trade cooperation also trans-regional coalition, with the aim of balance of power. The research method is qualitative based on analytical- explanatory approach. The qualitative data was collected from library and internet resources. Also theory of balance of power was utilized in order to analyze the subject matter.

Despite being on the anti-Israel front, Russia has put the policy of strategic closeness with this actor on its agenda. Various micro and macro factors have been involved in Russia’s decision-making process regarding proximity to Israel in a typical and complex manner. These influencing factors on Russia's foreign policy have continued since the collapse of the Soviet Union, so that the current cooperation and interaction between Russia and Israel in regional and international developments has introduced Russia as a strategic partner in international forums.  Research Question: What role do micro and macro factors play in Russia's decision-making regarding its strategic approach to Israel? At the same time, its purpose is to give priority to the importance of the factors influencing Russia's behavior and foreign policy regarding Israel, especially during Putin's presidency. Research Hypothesis: The research hypothesis indicates that the strategic approach to Israel in foreign policy was caused by various factors in Russia's decision-making process. These factors have had different degrees of effectiveness at the micro and macro levels and have restructured the strategy of getting closer to Israel. During Putin's presidency, the role factor and then environmental variables have been more effective than other factors in this decision.

In this article, the authors have investigated the topic and hypothesis of the article with qualitative content analysis method based on inductive approach. In order to explain Russia's foreign policy towards Israel, while paying attention to the level of macro analysis, factors at the level of micro analysis should also be studied. Therefore, to explain Russia's foreign policy towards Israel, we have used James Rosena's theory to provide a more accurate and comprehensive explanation of foreign policy by combining two levels, macro and micro. Therefore, in the analysis of Russia's foreign policy towards Israel, four variable factors of the individual, role, government and society at the micro level and environmental variables at the macro level have been emphasized. Nevertheless, the factors affecting Russia's foreign policy at the micro and macro levels have evolved based on a causal sequence and have become a fixed pattern in Moscow's foreign policy. According to Rosena, these factors have had different effects on Russia's foreign policy. Therefore, each of these factors have played significant role in Russia's decision to adopt a strategic approach towards Israel.

The findings indicate that the individual factor including the norms, beliefs and perceptions of decision makers is an important principle. During Putin's presidency, the feeling of the same language has affected relations between Moscow and Tel Aviv. However, during the presidency of Yeltsin and Medvedev, Western tendencies have been more effective in Moscow's strategic approach to Tel Aviv. In James Rosena's theory, the role of decision makers in the government's foreign policy behavior is considered an effective factor. Russia's formal and informal laws emphasize the important role of president in directing the foreign policy. The President of Russia determines Russia's foreign policy by appointing the Minister of Foreign Affairs and his board as the main representative of the government. Putin has made the best use of his position and role for the strategic neighborhood with Israel and can give importance to his role in the formation of the strategic neighborhood policy with Israel according to national and international considerations. Therefore, the role factor has priority over other factors. Although the dimension of role has affected the relationships between the two actors during Yeltsin's presidency, but the role of president was less prioritized in Medvedev's period. Governmental structure as an important variable in James Rosena's theory has influenced foreign policy. Since the Russian political system is a combination of democracy and authoritarianism, many democratic institutions do not have a special place in Russian foreign policy. Therefore, Russia's foreign policy is formulated and implemented around the axis of the executive power in such a way that we observe the increased role of the executive power as a main and important variable in proximity to Israel across the diplomatic history. In addition, the role of the executive branch in the Kremlin's foreign policy has been significantly strengthened during Putin's presidency and other institutions establish diplomatic relations within the framework of the president's foreign policy. Social and non-governmental aspects are another variable that have been capable of affecting Russia's foreign behavior in such a way that the executive power and its relevant institutions in formulating and implementing foreign policy constantly interact with influential groups, such as the pro-Western moderate network, Jewish organizations, media, etc. and have affected the formation of the consensual nature of Russia's foreign policy against Israel. Based on environmental variables, Israel's role in solving Russia's disputes with the United States, cooperation in the fight against terrorism, developments in the Middle East and the Caucasus have led to the development of a neighborly approach in Russia's foreign policy.

With the election of Putin to the presidency, Russia's foreign policy has changed its direction to use Israel as a tool to gain advantage from the West and the United States in order to achieve its goals by exerting pressure on Israel in international and regional developments. Putin knows that Israel's need for Russia to guarantee its security in the developments in the Middle East, especially the Syrian crisis, may meet Moscow's foreign policy goals and priorities. So, in Putin's presidency, environmental variable is prioritized after the role factor. In a general view, all five factors have not only influenced Russia's foreign policy, but also interacted with each other.

Russia-Israel diplomatic relations in the political, economic, and cultural areas during the recent decades have led their relations to become more strategic. The role of Israel in the US policy towards Moscow and the trans-regional power of Russia in ensuring the security of Israeli in West Asian developments have developed Moscow-Tel Aviv close relations. On the other hand, Iran and Russia have achieved a level of alignment in behaviors and goals in regional and international developments. The cooperation between these two countries has increased with the intervention of Russia in the Syrian crisis. Accordingly, the present study aimed to investigate the effect of developing Russia-Israel relations on the national interests of Iran in the region and the international system. The hypothesis tested in response to this question was that the High level of Russian-Israeli diplomatic relations, as well as the interdependence at different levels have made Russia impose some restricts on the progress of the interests of Iran in Syria, nuclear program, and arms and economic treaties. The research method in this study was explanatory and the data collection method was library and internet. The research data were analyzed based on the balance of power approach.levels have made Russia impose some restricts on the progress of the interests of Iran in Syria, nuclear program, and arms and economic treaties. The research method in this study was explanatory and the data collection method was library and internet. The research data were analyzed based on the balance of power approach.

Moscow’s military intervention in Syria crisis follows Russia’s geostrategic profits in The Middle East. Syria crisis has formed a new shape to the kind of interaction between Russia and international and local actors. So that Russia’s strategy has been an attempt to form balance of power among powers in Syria from 2015 now on. On the other hand, competition among local actors in Syria to create hegemonic superiority in The Middle East, has provided balancing policy background from Syria to prevent form the emergence of a local hegemony. So that the contradictory alignment and approaches of the involved actors, has created a kind of proximity and companionship with Russia to balance against each other. A proximity through which Russia has balanced power with all actors besides rejecting any strategic alliance. Regarding such considerations, there appears a question that what are the features of Russia’s balance of power policy in Syria crisis? The hypothesis which has been used in the present study is that Russia has selected balance of power policy as the most efficient approach in confrontation with international and local actors in Syria crisis in order to achieve her purposes and to reinforce her position.

Due to strategic differences and ideological animosity on different levels, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Israel both have controlled, contained, and deterred each other to maximize their regional power. The deep historical link between Russia and Israel in cultural, political, and economic aspects have directed the level of diplomatic relations of both governments from normal toward strategic. The U.S. sanctions on Moscow and the mediating role of Israel to resolve the disputes with the U.S. have provided an opportunity for Tel Aviv to use it as a bargaining chip in a strategic approach with Russia to guarantee its security. Although, Iran and Russia emphasized their mutual interests and developed participatory models to improve bilateral relations such that the level of military and political cooperation in the recent crisis of the Middle East implies the exceptional development in bilateral relations between the two countries. Henceforth, strengthening the political and military position of Iran and Israel by Russia has become a menacing factor for the national security of both governments. Thus, regarding the points mentioned above, this question arises that despite the competition between Iran and Israel so far what behavioral pattern has been adopted by Russia towards its two tactical allies? To answer this question, we hypothesize that Moscow's extensive relations with Iran and Israel and their role in Russia's regional and global policies have led Moscow to utilize a balance of power approach as the most reliable method concerning its two tactical allies. This research illustrates the research data analytically and based on the balance of power approach.