فهرست مطالب حمدالله اکوانی

The main objective of the present research is to assess the capacity of Islamic political philosophy (precisely Farabi's political philosophy) to address the efficiency of government through a comparative analysis of its foundational principles. Nowadays, government efficiency is considered one of the significant concerns of intellectuals and societies. The general judgment criterion for a political system depends on the extent of governmental efficiency. This research is based on the hypothesis that political philosophy, especially Islamic political philosophy, beyond the mentioned sciences, has suitable capacities for discussing the foundations of governmental efficiency. Among these, Farabi's political philosophy, one of the significant approaches of Islamic political philosophy, has a unique capacity to engage in the discourse on efficiency. The main research question is: What are the fundamental capacities of Islamic political philosophy, especially Farabi's ideas and thoughts, in confronting the concept of governmental efficiency, especially in laying the groundwork for efficiency? Understanding government efficiency in Farabi's thought requires presenting a conceptual framework or network related to efficiency in this philosopher's thought. In this research, an attempt has been made to extract these concepts and codes from the essential works of Farabi using a descriptive-analytical method. Some of the most essential elements of this conceptual network include happiness, virtue, wisdom, prophecy, love, and justice.

Diverse cultural factors affect the national identity of adolescents. Recognizing these factors and planning for the optimal use of these factors provide the basis for preventing identity crisis in adolescents. Adolescents, at this age acquire the basis of generalized commitment and a sense of emotional belonging to their community, and in this time, identity begins to take shape in them. Consider national identity as one of the most important dimensions of the identity of the people of a society. In this study, we have sociologically investigated the effect of cultural factors on the reproduction of national identity in adolescents in Behbahan city. This research has been quantitatively done and there was a survey, conducted with 364 adolescents aged 13-16 years in Behbahan city using a questionnaire technique. Reproduction of national identity among adolescents studied based on multivariate regression analysis and Pearson correlation coefficient shows that there is a high positive and negative relationship between reproduction of national identity and cultural factors. Also, this relationship was felt more in boys than girls. The relationship between cultural factors and adolescents living in urban and rural areas also shows that adolescents living in urban areas more affected by these factors in the reproduction of national identity than adolescents living in rural areas are. Cultural factors have a strong relationship in the field of reproduction of national identity and it is viable to improve the status of national identity and especially its reproduction by strengthening cultural factors, especially in deprived and less developed areas.

The present study seeks to explain and evaluate the components of the generation gap in interaction with virtual social networks with emphasis on the political component (Case study: Citizens of Tehran(. From this perspective, after expanding the conceptual space of the subject, An integrated theoretical approach has been used to explain the subject.Using a survey study, the research datas were selected using a researcher-made questionnaire from 384 citizens with age15 years and older in Tehran who were selected using the cochran sample size estimation formula and multi-stage cluster sampling method. The instrument was validated through Qualitative formal content validity. The Reliability was Also estimated by Cronbach Alpha.The descriptive findings of the study have shown that the average of the total index of differences in the values of the generation gap is low among the studied age groups and therefore indicates the generation difference rather than the generation gap.Besides that; The inferential findings of the research in the Bivariate analysis section have shown that the duration of more use, news, scientific and educational use, having a Instrumental motivation (purposeful) in the use of virtual social networks, has caused a generation gap (generational difference) between different age groups. Also, the research findings in the multivariate analysis section showed that the independent variables of duration, type of use, motivation and purpose of use and age had a significant effect on the dependent variable at the error level of 0.01..

Power is one of the concepts that have been defined from different aspects. The division of power into different types of hard, soft, intelligent, etc. indicates the wide range of views about this concept. The study of power, sources and methods of its application in line with Western ideas has also been done in Islamic studies. The main question of the article is, what are the characteristics of the mentioned power in the hadiths of the Shia imams? The hypothesis of the article is that a set of signs can be deduced in the hadiths of Shia imams, which lead us to the concept of transcendental power. The semiotics method was used to answer the above question and the aim of the article is to identify the signs of power in Shia hadiths. The findings of the research showed that the source of power, the holders of power, the purpose of power and the ways of exercising power are different from the conventional types of power in political theories, which are known as hard, soft and network.

The main purpose; Political vision and social context are affected by each other and are formed in mutual connection, hence political knowledge sometimes appears as a structure and sometimes as an agent against the social context. The main goal of the upcoming research is to investigate the type of relationship between the social structure of Iranian society and the political vision of the Shiite clergy and its impact on their model of activism during the Pahlavi era until the Islamic revolution.Research method; the mehtod of research is Qualitative type of causal explanation and the method of data collection is library as well as the use of scientific resources of virtual databases. Anthony Giddens' structure-agent theory and Pierre Bourdieu's theory have also been used to explain the issue.findings; The research shows that there is a flexible relationship between the political knowledge of Shia clerics and social factors in this period, and according to the set of actions of Shia clergy and also the change of social and political factors, the political vision of Shia jurists has changed from political isolation and political abstinence to Participation and political leadership have fluctuated.Conclusion; Influenced by the social conditions and the beliefs of activists such as Ayatollah Boroujerdi, the vision of the Shiite clergy, as an agent against the social environment as a structure, has adopted an attitude of avoiding politics, and with the emergence of Imam Khomeini (RA), the (agent) of the political vision of dignified clergy The foundation has been broken and shaped by the environment and social factors as a structure, and as a result, the political vision of the Shia clergy has taken on the character of participation.

The dominant view among liberal and Marxist thinkers indicates that the ruling power seeks to adopt a legal order within a specific territory. Therefore, the ruling power is considered as a system of legal obligations and prohibitions that are applied withinthe law. But thinkers such as "Michel Foucault" and "Gilles Deleuze" recognize a gap in governance mechanisms. Foucault believes that since the 17thand 18thcenturies, instead of legal prohibitions, the government sought to shape its subjects in a positive way and tried to cultivate normal and obedient subjects. In the continuation of Foucault's studies, Gilles Deleuze continues that 20thcentury governments by regulatory ways, tryto lead the subjects towards their goals. In consequence, this article tries to address the question of what factor causes change in the way of governance in Foucault's and Deleuze's thought? The phenomenological examination of the opinions of these two thinkers shows that the root of innovation to governancelies in power.

The Taliban is of the political studies issues that have been of interest in the Islamic world during the last three decades. The dynamism of this stream is tied to domestic and global crises.
This group took power in 1996 after the widespread crises in Afghanistan; and in 2001, they were abolished by the attack of the United States of America. The problem surveyed in this article is how the Taliban's thought is related to the internal and external crises related to Afghan society.
Using the four stages defined in Thomas Spriggans' research method, the main question of the article is, what do the Taliban think about the crises in Afghan society and the causes of these crises? and what is their ideal society and their prescriptions to overcome the crises of Afghan society?
The findings of the research show that in the Taliban's view, the main problems and crises in the Afghan society are "political", "economic" and "ignorance" crises. Failure to follow the rules of Islam and the illegitimacy of the political system have also been considered the origin of these crises. The desired ideal of the Taliban to overcome the problems is an ideal society that is governed according to the tradition of the Prophet (PBUH) and the righteous caliphs and strives to establish an Islamic government, peace and security, and fights against cultivation, trade, and drug use. Prescriptive solutions in the Taliban's thought to solve crises are "unification of sovereignty", "elimination of jihadi parties", "implementing the duty of commanding the good and forbidding the bad" and "fighting corruption".

Considering the importance of the temperament genre in Iranian culture, in this research, the representation of the ethical behaviors of Iranians in these works has been examined and criticized. temperament genre with the aim of surveying and cataloging the cultural and ethical characteristics of Iranians is one of the special types of social writings that has a long life and is at least equal to the emergence of academic sociology in the country. The book "Az Maast Ke Bar Maast" by Reza Bahrampour is the sample studied in this research. To review and criticize the representation of ethical behavior of Iranians in this work, the method of critical discourse analysis based on Van Dijk's model has been used. The results showed that the the temperament genre use many ideological strategies to depict the moral behavior of Iranians. Rather than investigating and describing the cultural and ethical behaviors of Iranians, this discourse is constructing these behaviors. In this way, by directing the behavior of Iranians, it leads them to morally objectionable behaviors; According to Bahrampour's representation in this book, the ethical behaviors of Iranians are three times more than the moral behavior they like. In fact, the temperament genre makes this possibility available to Iranians to interpret their actions towards non-Iranians. Therefore, these works tell Iranians that they are inherently immoral and, on the other hand, Westerners are inherently moral people.

The government in Egypt appeared fragile during the two periods of the 2011 revolution and the post-revolutionary period, but it survived with a military coup. In 2011, the government condition became incredibly complicated in a short time. This great experience was not instructive for the religious revolutionaries, and like a hasty government, they were soon overthrown by popular protests and military coups. Contrary to expectations, the military was able to form a stable government. Inspired by the descriptive method and the combination of two institutionalism and cultural theories, this study tries to address the important question of why the government appeared fragile in the era of Mubarak and Morsi, but stable in the era of the military? The results show that the experience of economic modernization and liberalization led to the emergence and development of social and political forces. The government, on the other hand, continued to emphasize the traditional discourse of power. This deprived the government of gaining hegemony in the context of civil society and creating institutions for community participation. The inefficiency of the government in the economic field, the lack of cultural hegemony and civil institutions, and repressive attitudes led to the emergence and formation of a pragmatic society. The state in this society became rootless and quickly appeared fragile against the mass movement. The Akhavan's government also failed to eliminate the institutions of power of the previous regime and create new ones, while by imitating Mubarak's policy, it monopolized power so that it could lose the conflict in the street arena and easily collapse. The military took advantage of these opportunities to emerge as a national-historical institution,  satisfy the dominant political forces, and to form a new authority in the form of an "efficient government.

Presidential and Islamic Consultative Assembly elections in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province have been associated with high voter turnout in different periods. In fact, this province has always been one of the provinces with the highest turnout in both elections. In this study, the voters’ electoral behaviours in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province in the two Presidential and Islamic Consultative Assembly elections were investigated and compared with each other. To this end, the most important factors affecting their electoral behaviours in the two presidential and parliamentary elections were studied. By comparing the voters’ electoral behaviours in these two types of elections, it was sought to examine the impacts of varied factors on the presidential and parliamentary elections. This research was done since some research had tended to assume the voters’ equal electoral behaviours in the two mentioned elections by adopting a reductionist view and had consequently considered that similar factors could affect the voters’ electoral behaviours in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province in all elections.

The present survey was performed quantitatively with a descriptive-analytical purpose. The statistical population of the study included the citizens of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province, from among whom a sample of 368 subjects was selected through the cluster sampling method. The data were collected by using a combined questionnaire (researcher-made questionnaire and those made by others). In other words, two questionnaires were utilized in this investigation, one related to the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections and another one related to the presidential elections. The items were almost the same for the titles of the relevant elections in both questionnaires. The independent variables consisted of thought leaders, religiosity, political propaganda, political orientation, economic factors, sociological factors, and tribal relations, as well as contextual variables. The validity and reliability of the questionnaires were evaluated and confirmed based on the formal validation method and Cronbach's alpha test, respectively.

The findings revealed that the voters’ average electoral behaviours in the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections were higher than those related to the presidential elections. In explaining both types of electoral behaviours, the data showed that the variables of religiosity, political orientation, political propaganda, thought leaders, socio-economic factors, and sociological factors had a positive and significant relationship with the voters’ participations in both elections. The results also indicated that the extents to which each of these variables affected their electoral behaviours in the two elections were different, i.e., the independent variables did not equally accounted for the voters’ electoral behaviours in the mentioned elections. The results demonstrated that the variables of tribal relations, religiosity, and social factors had the greatest impacts on the electoral behaviours in the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections; on the other hand, the variables of thought leader, education, propaganda, and political orientation turned out to be the most influential factors in the presidential elections. Inconsistent with the research findings in other provinces, this study showed that people of all ages and genders participated in parliamentary elections. In more modern societies, the degrees of men and women’s participations are somewhat different. However, in this province, due to the entanglement of the phenomenon of the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections with many aspects of life and especially the issue of power, there was little or no difference between an old woman and a young man in terms of participation rate. However, in national events like presidential election, age and age group tended to affect the voters’ electoral behaviours. The research findings enabled us to argue that the voters’ electoral behaviours could be determined by the context, in which the research was conducted. In other words, while the variables influencing on the voters’ local electoral behaviours were all relatively traditional, the factors affecting their national electoral behaviours were of a more modern nature. To put this into perspective, due to the traditional context of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province, a great deal of value was attached to local elections in the transition towards modernity and a set of more traditional variables tended to affect the voters’ electoral behaviours.In fact, the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections in the province were not just a political phenomenon independent of the context of life; it was rather one of the main components of everyday life serving as a major topic of public and private debates. In recent years, due to the dominant roles of the members of the parliament in the authoritative distribution of goods and services (politics) and the ordinary people and influential groups’ ties of interests with the parliament members, social variables, such as clan and tribal relations, tribal and traditional gaps, and consequently thought leaders’ positions, played a more prominent role in social mobilization and electoral participation, which ultimately shaped the voters’ behaviours.

Throughout history, numerous movements have been formed in various societies, and after almost all of them, thinkers have emerged who have judged the failure of that movement and theorized it. Therefore, this question arises as to why, despite the influence of movements, the subject is persuaded to its failure? To find the answer, Jacques Lacan's psycho-socio-political theories, which have a post-structural background, have been used as a method. Also, the constitutional movement, as an example, has been chosen as a case study for applying Lacan theories. The possible answer to this question, based on Lacan theories, refers to the importance of the subject's desire and fantasy in human dynamism and movement. The research findings show that the subject's belief in failure is inevitable. But this belief is not related to reality but is rooted in the perpetual and ontological gap between the subject and the other.

Political discourse usually tends to diffuse itself in other discursive fields. Computer games are one of the most considerable products of cultural area in which the political discourse can be reproduced through them. This article is concerned with the representation politics of computer games as well as its inter-textual relevance to the discourse of political domains. The study examines the political discourse of “ Command & Conquer: Generals “ game as well as its relationship with the US political discourse through using a non-probability (purposive) sampling. The main question addressed is what can be the relationship between the game discourse and US foreign politics. Thus, this computer game is analyzed at three levels of description, interpretation, and explanation through Fairclough’s analysis discourse which suggests that within the framework of dominant discursive order of Western media on “Islam”, and “Middle East” i.e. “Islamophobia”, unfortunately “false and other” image of Islam is portrayed. Also, the discourse is categorized as a broader social action which is consistent with themes of new orientalism logic, the clash of civilization and in particular, American Exceptionalism as well as is reproduced through the language of (the US) soft power of cultural products.

The idea of ​​social capital in modern thought is based on “utilitarian friendship” and “profit-oriented” relations, and the social capital formed on the basis of such relations is fragile. This study deals with categorizing friendship and love in the thought of Islamic scholars and assessing its capacity to formulate an alternative model for utilitarian social capital. The question is, what is the relationship between the concept of friendship and love in the thought of Islamic scholars and social capital? Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to critically evaluate the utilitarian friendship and social capital based on this kind of friendship and also to understand the concept of friendship proposed in the thought of Islamic scholars from the perspective of social capital. In this paper, the analytical - comparative method is used, which means the method through which a set of thoughts and ideas is examined and by comparing them a qualitative result is achieved. According to the research findings, three levels of friendship can be considered in the views of Islamic scholars: “friendship as a virtue”, “friendship as a means of achieving happiness” and “friendship as a moral worldview”. All three types of friendship have aspects superior to utilitarian friendships that form the basis of modern social capital. The model of friendship and loving relationships formed on the basis of the three relations of friendship hidden in the views of Islamic scholars has the necessary capacity to strengthen the foundations of social capital.

Along with the struggle and uprising, "production of meaning" in areas where the ruling power has not been able to gain access has been part of the tradition of the Imams to preserve and develop the Shiite discourse. The research question follows as: how the Shiites were able to maintain and disseminate their political discourse, despite their critical stance on official politics in some historical periods? The findings of the research show that the Imams (as) have used effective strategies in order to maintain and expand the Shiite discourse in the face of various political conditions, and "politics of meaning" has been one of these strategies. The politics of meaning is composed of a chain of signs, each of which is the heritage of one of the Imams and may be repeated in the life of one or more Imams. The semantic implication of the system of signs of the politics of meaning in the life of the Imams (as) has been the crossing of the borders of official power and the guarantee of the Shiite life in the areas of resistance. The method of this paper is to analyze the semantic sign of discourse.

The relation between author and social context in discourse turn of Iranian and Islamic political thought is a matter of great concern. The social contexts of 7th to 9th centuries created new condition which in turn paved the ground for change and development of Iranian and Islamic political philosophy and its discursive turn. In response to this change and political contexts of Iranian-Islamic society, emerged three schools of thought among the thinkers of this period. Al-Mawardi and introducing of caliphate system, Al-Ghazali with Islamic justification of authority of the Kings in order to reconcile between caliphate and kingship and, finally, Nizam al-Mulk by Siyasatnama (The Book of Government) who tried to pass the caliphate system and articulate a new discourse. Relying on the Iranian tradition of Ideal King, Nizam al-Mulk tries to justify kingship with an expedient approach. Such a conflict is distinguishable in Siyasatnama. Within this book, there is a conflict between three discourses: caliphate, kingship and religious discourse of resistance. This paper is going to verify the hypothesis that Nizam al-Mulk has played the role of “poiltical subjective” in the discursive transformation from writing Shariatnama (Islamic laws) to Andarzname (Book of advice). He uses three lingual strategies in order to play subjective situation role: to omit caliphate discourse by “concealing” it, and highlight the kingship discourse by excluding other discourses of resistance that are traceable in the book. The methodology of the article is a combination of Laclau and Mouffe discourse theory and micro-level approach of Van leeuwen discourse Analysis.

Sahwa (Awakening) or Salafi Movement discourse, with special attention to politics and social problems, was born as the result of reflection on SalafiWahabist discourse and relationship with Muslim Brotherhood discourse in the Saudi Arabia social context and it spread in other Arab societies. Emphasizing the revitalization of the role of religion in society and politics, this discourse tries to compete with Shiite Islamic discourse. Its master signifier is "consolidation of Sharia" and its other signifiers are "obvious denial of the forbidden", "real fiqeh" and "anti-secularism". Its aim has been to break the monopoly of formal Wahabi discourse and dealing with politics and Islamization of society. This discourse managed to challenge the master-signifier of SalafiiWahabi discourse which is manifested in "obedience" for rulers and entered strong strikes on signification structure of formal discourse.Although Sahwa could not become hegemonic at the political stage and the rival discourses deconstruct its signifiers and prevented from articulating its signifiers by soft and hard measures but it got validity and accessibility in the socio-cultural life-world of Sunni Muslims and caused the emergence of Jihadi, Scientific and JamiehSalafi discourses. The aim of this article is to examine the formation and emergence of Sahwa discourse, its conflict with formal WahabiSalafi discourse and the reason for its failure in gaining hegemony, in spite of its high potential. The research method is Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis.

Language in the community as a dynamic cultural element, the originator of the field of general and comprehensive forms of social life. A branch of effective language in the nature of any society, political language of the community. A large part of political affairs is formed on the basis of mental belief, the collection of these beliefs about political affairs in each period makes the political language game of that period, Which is the foundation of the political strategy and political action of that era. This article aims to understand the political language of the Pahlavi intellectual field and thus the influence of the linguistic formulation of this discourse on the type of discourse derived from the Islamic Revolution. In this regard, the main question of the present research is that: What has been the political language of the political intellectual discourse (1332-1357) on the post-revolution politics field?

One of the internal conflicts in contemporary Salafi discourse is over "apoliticism" or "politicization". Scientific (or the so-called Albanian) Salafi discourse is a contemporary sub-discourse that strongly prescribes apoliticism and claims that it has purified Wahabi Salafi discourse from those elements inconsistent with the Good Forefather, on the one hand, and it has played the role of a resistance center against the dominance of politicized Salafi discourse (Sahwa). Hence this sub-discourse, while defending a new Wahabism cleansed of Muslim Brotherhood's impact, simultaneously confronted Muslim Brotherhood, on the one hand, and traditional Wahabi institution, on the other. This article examines the scientific Salafi sub-discourse, its formation and emergence context, and its challenges vis-à-vis the traditional politicized Salafi hegemony. The research method and theory used has been the meaning constellation of Laclau & Mouffe's discourse analysis.

According to Functionalist theories media are part of the external environment. Which plays a role in the transformation of the identity, In other words, Shaping identity and destruction of their identity. The emergence of social change and in the value of things is as a result of the work of media functionality. Media, link public and private spheres of different people to each other and transport means to the audience and shaping the identity. The current research is the answer to the main,a a satellite TV set which categories of meaning, ideas and values dominate and naturalized and Shaping the identity. This study sought to prove the hypothesis that audience According to Access to different discourses and different social and cultural backgrounds show different responses . Or accept or resist the dominant readings or talks with given identity. How to read or decode the audience of the TV series Life tulip in a Persian-language satellite channels broadcast is samples analyzed in this study. The theoretical framework is based on semantic system approach and the intertwining of three cents functionalist theory, cultural studies and developed the theory of hegemony. Relying on the meaning-making of identity by the media and Iranian audience identification as well as how and why they resistance is analyzed satellite readings TV series. The study also is analyzed through focus group discussions and readings of audience identification.

Given the comprehensiveness of Islam in establishing life rules, optimal political system has been the Nodal Point in the discourse of political Islam. Among others, Imam Khomeini and Abula’la Maududi are significant theorists of such discourse who have focused on the optimum. They both lived in similar periods, experienced external Colonialism and internal Despotism, and thus, not surprisingly, their ideas revolved around the optimum in order to free the Islamic world. This paper assumes hypotheses that although their speculations were founded on two differing Islamic orientations of Shiite and Sunni, the crisis in the Islamic world converged their perspectives so that they set forth the same principles, and that a framework can be built which conforms to Religious democracy: they both strongly believe in the dominance of the divine rules; both accept public legitimacy and participation and stress the role of councils as the main approach in decision-making and structuring in Islamic system. In this study We Apply crisis theory For explore and compare , political ideas of Imam Khomeini and Abula’la Maududi in regard to form and content.

After 50 years of hegemony of The Mubarak authoritarian discourse in Egypt, the people of this country were able to challenge the hegemony of authoritarian discourse. With the fall of the Mubarak regime, the Muslim Brotherhood Seized power. A year after That Muslim Brotherhood coming to power, the group, due to the Incompetence in accordance with the political and economic conditions, Lack of charismatic leadership, Inability to retain key institutions of the Community and Practical action conflicting with the principles of Islamism discourse, so defeated in the Egypt political arena In the revolutionary movement (2011-2013). As a result of these factors, The context was provided for the emergence of rival discourse though the coup. The main question in this article is: what caused the Islamist discourse of Muslim Brotherhood failed And what causes the re-emergence of secular discourse? The hypothesis here is that Muslim Brotherhood Failed to articulate a comprehensive discourse And gradually provide The conditions for the return of secular discourse. In this article, the meaning constellation of Laclau and Mouffe's and Teun Adrianus van Dijk discourse theory have been used as the research method.

In spite of inter-discourse and intra-discourse conflict between Salafi discourse and other discourses, since the emergence of Arab revolutionary movements, it has managed to exit the discursive sphere. The main question of this article is: What backgrounds have caused the Salafi discourse to become a main current and what are the obstacles for its hegemony? By using important meaning-building opportunities such as the failure of Arab unity project, the defeat from Israel, the reinforcement of authoritarianism and the retreat of democracy, moving towards liberal capitalist system, the support of some Arab governments and communication revolution, the practitioners of Salafi discourse have managed to move from margin to the stage andexpanded the validity and accessibility of this discourse by relying on Fiqeh principles, providing a relatively coherent signification system, subjectifying a great part of Arab societies or diversifying some others in terms of identity, and absorbing the subjects of rival discourses. The analytical instrument in this research is Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis concepts.

After the Islamic Revolution in Iran، political Islam to enter the realm of practical politics، face with new issues and concepts interpreted by some other political discourses. Freedom one of the most important concepts in the discourse of conflict، it carried a different meaning. The Imam Khomeini as intellectual scholar of this discourse، in these conditions، with emphasis on jurisprudents method، trying to define and delineate the limits of freedom. In this paper، the assumption will be tested: that imam Khomeini''s religious epistemology، The concept of freedom and its framework، has been fixed in his thought’’. In this paper، using Quentin Skinner methodology، we analyzed the expression of political and religious views of Imam Khomeini، the interpretation of the concept of freedom of religion and its impact on his political views. Imam relying on religious knowledge defines the concept of freedom as «positive freedom». He defines the concept of freedom as «divine and natural right» that helps the true happiness of human.

In the past recent centuries, some research projects have been conducted on the influence of the West on the East (History), but such investigations have not often been scientific (Problem); consequently, tracing the roots of the extent and methods of the influences of the West on the East have not been scientifically answered (Background). The present research seeks to answer this fundamental question that how globalization caused the emergence of the discourse of salafi-jihadi political Islam in the Middle East region (Question)? By increasing the crisis of meaning, globalization has led to the strength of the discourse of salafi-jihadi political Islam in the Middle East region (Hypothesis). The present article seeks to discover how the discourse of salafi-jihadi political Islam of Daesh and Jibhat al-Nusrah emerged (Objective). The present research, which is conducted based on the discourse analysis method, shows that how globalization in the Middle East region increases the necessity of searching for false meaning by challenging dominant identities. Salafism is also among the answers which are given to these needs. By making these meaning exclusive to themselves, and by focusing on concepts like shariah, leadership, jihad, returning to predecessor (salaf), and confronting secularism, they seek to create identities which are apparently strong, but instead of creating integrity and protecting the people against the apparently hostile external world, they destroy resistant Islam (Findings).

One of themost importantdebatesinpolitical thoughtis theessenceof politics. From this perspective،inthehistory of political thought،politics seen astwo facesVenus: Alookat thenature of thepolicy، not the rule، but in the sense of «the enemy» and «controversy» and inanothercourse، thepoliticalprocessasan actionbased on «friendship» isseen. In Islamic political thought،can beseenthe approachthat emphasis on «politics offriendship» andstrongly deniesantagonism. Thepaper arguesthat theessence ofpoliticsatthe thoughtof ImamAli (AS) based on «friendship» and for him friendshipis aprerequisite foranypolitical action. ImamAli (AS) in the articulationofalavidiscourse، Simultaneously drawnboundaries of antagonism discourse.