فهرست مطالب رسول افضلی

Stable access of political-geographical units to water resources plays a decisive role in optimal land management, balanced development, preservation of national integrity, and territorial cohesion. Conversely, tension and conflicts at subnational, national, and supranational scales arise when there is instability in accessing water resources. The significance of this issue doubles when considering Iran's geographical location, inherently characterized by low precipitation, which is also temporally and spatially uneven, leading to water scarcity and deficiency, particularly in the central and eastern regions of Iran. This, coupled with an imbalance in water resources and consumption in the country, has resulted in various problems, compelling the governments to overcome water scarcity, meet growing water demands, achieve economic and social development, and establish regional balance. Consequently, the governments have resorted to measures such as water transfer. However, the water transfer solution not only fails to solve the water problem but also leads to environmental degradation and exacerbates tensions and conflicts. The water crisis has not solely resulted from physical water scarcity but is deeply rooted in inappropriate and weak water policies and power relations. In recent decades, due to natural factors (climate change, precipitation pattern fluctuations, drought, etc.) and human factors (population growth, urbanization, industrial expansion, agricultural development), pressure on water resources in the central and eastern plateau has increased. The natural capacity to meet the needs of its inhabitants is insufficient, prompting efforts to transfer water from the Oman Sea and the Persian Gulf. Considering the diverse economic, environmental, and social impacts of this water transfer project, our attention is drawn to the variables involved in this transfer and the formation of water allocation and distribution by power relations. This research aims to identify and analyze the components involved in this transfer from the perspective of political ecology. Additionally, it emphasizes the need to address water issues in a way that considers the complexities of power and politics in water resource management.

The present research is descriptive-analytical and has both applied and theoretical objectives. The required sources and information for this research have been collected through documentary and library research, utilizing books, scientific articles, and reputable websites (governmental, non-governmental, news agencies, etc.). Furthermore, to understand the structures and interrelationships of political ecology with related topics, data was extracted from the Web of Science scientific database to visualize these connections. Therefore, first, the natural and human characteristics of the studied area are described in the water transfer plan; then, according to the nature of the work, its effective components have been analyzed and deduced based on qualitative analysis. Also, by using GIS software, the required maps were prepared and research forms were drawn using Smart Art.

The perspectives of the political ecology approach to water in Iran are based on power considerations to seek common ground between water, infrastructure, and political governance. It examines who decides on water systems and how historical, cultural, and socio-economic actions lead to unequal water distribution in Iran. The political ecology of water in Iran attests that water is not merely a physical substance but a social and cultural structure shaped by political, economic, and cultural factors. Understanding the complex interaction among these factors and their impact on water resource management informs effective strategies in management that are fair, sustainable, and responsive to the needs of various stakeholders. In recent decades, Iran has accumulated a wealth of experience and knowledge regarding institutional, organizational, and political aspects of water management. This includes developing frameworks for shared water rights, cultural policies based on water-related identities, and popular struggles for water justice. Empowering economically and socially disadvantaged groups in society to achieve environmental justice is a central theme in the political ecology of water in Iran. The emergence of water conflicts relates to one of the key issues in Iranian water political ecology, namely the changes resulting from the availability of water in quantity and quality desired by the beneficiaries (the wealthy and powerful). Therefore, conflicting goals and values of stakeholders involved in the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea water transfer project, especially when official political institutions resist change, can be a significant challenge, and social movements arising from water disputes can alter power dynamics.The emergence of the political ecology of water in the central and eastern regions of Iran is a result of various and diverse variables. The most important among them include climate change, improper location of water-intensive industries in dry and water-scarce regions, self-centered focus in the agricultural sector, negligence of legislators and managers in extracting and excessively using surface and groundwater resources, dominance of thinking in creating water structures, the role of parliament representatives in inter-basin and inter-provincial water transfer, improper and detrimental decision-making processes, state ownership of water, inefficiency of the water economic system, privatization of water management and its consequences for justice and access, and misguided development policies in Iran.

In the past decade, due to a combination of natural and human factors, pressure on water resources in the central and eastern plateau of Iran has increased, and the natural capacity to meet the needs of its inhabitants is insufficient. This has led to the initiation of water transfer from the Oman Sea and the Persian Gulf. Considering the diverse economic, environmental, and social impacts that this water transfer project may have, our attention is drawn to the formation of water allocation and distribution by power relations and the influential variables in this transfer. The key components and factors contributing to the emergence of the political ecology of water transfer from the Oman Sea and the Persian Gulf to central and eastern regions of Iran include:Climate change; 2.Improper location of water-intensive industries in dry and water-scarce regions; 3.Self-centered focus in the agricultural sector;4.Negligence of legislators and managers in extracting and excessively using surface and groundwater resources;5.Dominance of thinking in creating water structures;6.Role of parliament representatives in inter-basin and inter-provincial water transfer;7.Improper and detrimental decision-making processes;8-State ownership of water and inefficiency of the water economic system;9. Privatization of water management and its consequences for justice and access;10. Misguided development policies in Iran.Hydrologically, the ecosystem of each basin emerges and evolves with the optimal and efficient use of the available water in that basin. Water use in each basin should be regulated according to the amount of water available in that basin. Water transfer,therefore, should be considered a temporary program resulting from a supply-centric approach without regard for sustainable development and ecosystem preservation. Consequently, power relations have led to conflicts and tensions related to the water resources of this region, creating intense competition in the distribution and use of these resources.

Evaluation of the performance of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) is one of the main indicators in optimizing their management process. This article aims to assess the efficacy of welfare services and offer recommendations to managem​ent regarding their areas of improvement.The research methodology employed a combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches. Quantitative data have been collected by questionnaire survey and qualitative data by in-depth interview. The sample size for the survey research was comprised of 384 individuals, who were clients and service recipients of welfare services in Tehran and comprised the statistical population. The in-depth interview was attended by fifteen senior managers and specialists.The results indicated that welfare services achieved success solely in their non-professional domains; their professional endeavors were primarily hindered by inadequate funding, insufficient expertise and specialization, and inadequate knowledge. The performance analysis of welfare services using the performance-importance analysis model showed that the four areas of professional activity of them are in the waste of resources unit and require their transfer to the optimal performance sector.Welfare service-providing NGOs in Tehran have not achieved success. This requires the restoration of three parts of the process through the way they interact with the government; content is through specialization; performance improvement; and development with periodic evaluations

Regions are locations where political processes involving many actors take place; they do not totally preexist and are not rigidly fixed in situ. Regions influence human civilizations' actions, emotions, activities, and ideas through full dynamics. The structural and functional qualities of political systems and many interactions in historical trends that take the form of beliefs, identities, and norms impact the regions. Regions are continually growing and collapsing due to geopolitical variables and the dynamics of the international system due to the dynamism of regions, the effect of diverse geographical elements, and functional changes in geographical scales. Interaction between players operating at various geographic scales is necessary to find answers to global concerns. Inequalities, such as a lack of resources and a high degree of well-being, military and security operations, international trade, and the emergence of pollutants and harmful environmental stimuli, are crises that call for collaboration and convergence in the field of geography. Incorporating different aspects of bio-social, cultural, economic, political, institutional, environmental, and water diplomacy in common watersheds, etc., as well as other factors that can speed up and facilitate political-security cooperation, is how regional convergence develops. Regional convergence engages more and fresher activists at various levels to play a more active role in the geographical space in accordance with the environmental capacities. Divergent geopolitical forces will impact geographical units' political, security, economic, and cultural actions if regional convergence is not developed under the influence of convergent geopolitical elements. Regional convergence has been pushed towards multi-level and multilateralism as a result of the changes that have occurred in the world since the conclusion of the Cold War and the collapse of the bipolar geopolitical structure. The results of regional convergence in various East Asian and European regions have demonstrated that these regions have made progress toward economic dynamism and development and have contributed more significantly to the stable security environment within the global power structure and geopolitical system. One of the Southwest Asian nations with a wide range of structural and functional capabilities in terms of its immediate surroundings in line with regional integration is Iran. Regarded as indicators of Iran's capacity for regional integration and its geopolitical position in the region, the geographical base of the Iranian plateau and its natural features, on the one hand, and the presence of various ethnicities and religions in border regions with geographic obstacles surrounding Iran, on the other. Thanks to Southwest Asia, this nation is at the center of regional political, security, economic, and cultural changes. Despite the fact that Iran's geography has several chances and objective and subjective geopolitical variables that point toward regional integration, this significance has not been practically formed at various political, economic, security, and cultural levels. The lack of sufficient and accurate information on the geopolitical elements effective in the process of integration in many dimensions and scales is one of the reasons why regional integration mechanisms around Iran have not been formed. One of the strategic identity organizations in and around Iran is working to build platforms for the union of the Kurds. Despite Iran's ethnic, historical, cultural, and civilizational history, Kurds, with a sizable population, are dispersed among the nations of Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran. The regional powers view the Kurds as crisis-causing elements in the region's security order. With regard to the Kurds, our nation has taken a passive approach to utilizing the Kurds' potential for regional integration, and this attitude has prompted the rivals to utilize the Kurds' potential in order to increase their regional and global power. The Kurdistan region of Iraq is one of the regions near Iran created as a federal unit in the Iraqi constitution following changes in Iraq's political structure and developments in the Middle East region. On the one hand, Iran, as a strategic regional power, is very important for the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in political, cultural, security, and economic dimensions. On the other hand, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq is strategically important to Iran on multiple levels and in different structural and functional dimensions. In order to achieve the convergence of development and regional security, this research uses a qualitative methodology based on geopolitical concepts to examine the political-security factors influencing the convergence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region with Iran at sub-national, national, regional, and global geographical scales.

The information for this study was gathered via semi-structured interviews, library materials, and online resources. Sixty elites and researchers knowledgeable about Iranian foreign policy and Kurdish issues participated in a semi-structured interview to first extract the elements and indicators. Then, these indicators were again presented to the researchers in the form of a questionnaire for weighing. The study's findings indicate that in accordance with regional geopolitical equations, factors related to the regional scale have the greatest influence on the convergence of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region with Iran. These factors include the Iraqi Kurdistan Region's geopolitical dependence on Iran; the Kurdistan region of Iraq is vulnerable to threats to its security and is dependent on Iran; the Turkish government's military presence in Iraqi Kurdistan and the failure of the Turkish-Kurdish peace process; Iran's impact on the future political structure of Syria and its impact on the Iraqi Kurdistan region. Also, the convergence and cooperation between the Kurdistan region of Iraq and Iran impact the security and development of Iran and Iraq.

The study's findings indicate that there are already political and security integration capabilities for the Kurdistan region of Arakhsh, and there are geographical scale factors that, if discovered and used, can make it easier for the Kurdistan region to integrate with Iran.

the security and development of Iran and Iraq are impacted by the convergence and collaboration between Iran and the Kurdistan area of Iraq.                                                                                               

There is no funding support. Authors’ ContributionAll of the authors approved thecontent of the manuscript and agreed on all aspects of the work. Conflict of InterestAuthors declared no conflict of interest. AcknowledgmentsWe are grateful to all the scientific consultants of this paper.

The ownership and right to exploit the water of the border rivers is not fully in the possession of a country. This issue has long been the source of political disputes and conflicts and even wars and military operations between governments. The Hirmand border river originates from the Hindu Kush mountains in the west of Kabul, Afghanistan, and finally flows into the Hamun wetland located in the Sistan plain of Iran. This river has been one of the legal issues and disputes between Iran and Afghanistan over the determination of international borders and how to divide water since the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1857 until now. Hirmand River forms the international border between Iran and Afghanistan in a part of Sistan. The possible changes in the course of this river due to climate fluctuations and human activities in the long term, can be the basis for more political disputes between Iran and Afghanistan over the determination of border boundaries (sovereignty). Therefore, in this study, monitoring the long-term changes of the Hirmand River in the common border area between Iran and Afghanistan is considered as a legal-political necessity. For this purpose, the time series of remote sensing images has been used as a reliable, low-cost and valuable information source.

Contemporary Persian fiction works as a rich and fruitful treasure, has various capacities and capabilities and this collection can be studied and researched from different perspectives and with different approaches. Numerous topics such as sociology, law and psychology are embedded in fiction. By contemplating about these works from the perspective of jurisprudence, especially criminology as a nascent and multidimensional science, research can be done that combines experiences and methods and simultaneously use the achievements of both Persian language and literature and he brought law and took a big step towards interdisciplinary studies. In the present article, the novel Black Times by Abbas Khalili as one of the first examples of social novels that emerged in response to the requirements of Iranian society in the first Pahlavi period will be examined and analyzed from a criminological point of view. In this work, the author has depicted the horrible situation of Iranian women through a socially critical view and vivid and painful descriptions. The achievement of this article, which has been done analytically-descriptively and based on the library method, indicates that contemporary Persian fiction works have legal teachings and pathological approaches in the field of issues related to criminological knowledge and the causes of crimes. The correct explanation of them and the correct reading of these legal propositions and concepts, bring the interdisciplinary link between literature and law and, consequently, the effective formulation of legal laws and regulations, and will be an effective factor in preventing crimes and reforming the individual.

The current research, which was carried out with the aim of explaining and identifying the drivers of political economy affecting the military power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, is practical in terms of its purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of its nature and method. Upstream documents and library sources have been used to identify the drivers of political economy. Qualitative data analysis based on the theme analysis method (AtlasT.I software), which led to the identification of more than 270 basic themes. After combining and summarizing, the basic themes were reduced to 64 core themes and finally 14 main categories were extracted as key drivers. In order to explain the effect of political economy drivers on Iran's military power, the method of mutual influence matrix and the Mikmaq questionnaire (20*20 matrix) have been used. The responses of the statistical population include: 37 faculty members of the military and civilian universities of the country who were selected in a non-probability purposeful way, were collected and analyzed. The results and findings of the research show that the domestic political economy has a greater effect on Iran's military power. The sequence of influence of drivers is: geography and strategic resources, rentier government, military-industrial complexes, pillars of political power, foreign relations, geopolitical strategy, Westphalian order, oil shocks, anarchic order, foreign trade, diplomacy Defense, liberal order, globalization and international sanctions. Also, the dimensions of military power affected by political economy are: military expenses, equipment and technology, defense diplomacy, manpower, command and management and organizational structure.

Geographical space is a system composed of intertwined and interrelated natural, environmental and human factors and elements. These geographical factors sustain different values that adopt political, economic, cultural, security and geopolitical implications according to human needs and perceptions. The effect of geographical factors on economics has always played a role in human life. These factors as the sources of power acquire a geopolitical nature when the countries use them in line with macroeconomic goals. The current study seeks to explain the geopolitical categories of economic power on the basis of the study of geographical factors affecting economic power. The main question of the research maintains what the geopolitical variables of economic power are. This study is based on a theoretical approach and explains the causal relationship between the dependent variable (economic power) and the independent variable (geopolitical variables). Information and data collecting is arranged in terms of library documents studies. The research method is descriptive-analytical. In response to the main research question, three types of geopolitical conceptual variables are explained which are influenced by geographical factors affecting economic power: ‘Geolocation’; ‘Geoculture’ and ‘Geotechnology’.  Each of these conceptual variables includes several geographical factors influencing economic growth and development, which together determine the economic power of a country.

Before the revolution, Baluchistan region was known as one of the least productive regions. With the establishment of the government of the Islamic Republic and the lack of major changes in the Balochistan region, as well as the aggravation of climatic droughts and especially the reduction of this region's share of Hirmand water, the set of political and military confrontations with the central government intensified and caused widespread activity. There were terrorist groups in this area. The present research investigates the geopolitical activism of terrorist groups in Baluchistan region using phenomenological analysis method. In order to phenomenology of the geopolitical activism of terrorist groups in Balochistan, three categories of geoculture rupture, doubt in the idea of government and geopolitical imagery were considered as a set of activism of terrorist groups in order to determine that these groups with How have propaganda activities, psychological warfare, exploited this geopolitical category. The results showed that the category of geoculture discontinuity is related to the core category of threatening the cultural norms of the Baloch people and acts as a background condition. The category of doubt in the idea of government is related to the core category of the structural-substantive conflict of the established system with the values of the Baloch people and acts as an intervening condition. Finally, the final core category of geopolitical imagery, as a result of the previous two categories, reveals the ultimate goal of the geopolitical activism of terrorist groups, which is the production of an independent political-spatial construction and separatism of Balochistan.

In recent decades, factors such as climate change, lack of water resources, increase in world population, increase in urban and consumer population, use of food to produce biofuels, use of food as a pressure lever in geopolitical competition, and weakening The rival country and other factors have turned the food into one of the most important geopolitical issues today. This research was conducted to analyze the global food geopolitical system using a mixed exploratory research method based on FAO data and using Delphi, Prometheus, fuzzy hierarchical analysis, and Excel and GIS software. The results show that the top powers in food geopolitics are, respectively, ten countries of the United States, France, Argentina, Germany, Australia, Brazil, India, Netherlands, Spain, and Belgium. Iran ranks 16th, 5th, 74th, and 13th in the production, import, export, and consumption of strategic food products and is considered a vulnerable country in global food geopolitics. In order to reduce or eliminate its geopolitical dependence on food, Iran needs a range of different factors, such as the optimal use of domestic resources and the sustainable supply of food from crossborder sources, including the selection of strategic suppliers, concluding long-term contracts in the field of the food supply with exporting countries; membership in regional organizations; leasing land from other countries to produce food; joint investment in food production; improving the level of economic exchanges with exporting countries; create interdependence on the agenda.

Among the tools of ethnic political management of a political system, the media, through the images they present of ethnic groups and the representations they make of them, show how people view ethnic groups and how they are constructed. Community identities have had the greatest impact. Among these media, television is one of the first of these media. In the Islāmic Republic of Iran, different policies are applied to ethnicities; all studies in this area have often examined the government's ethnic policies by setting written criteria such as documents, reports, rules, and regulations. Given the governmental and governance nature of the media and the Islāmic Republic of Iran's Radio and Television is a tool to show government policies in various fields, it is possible to study and explain ethnic policies in Iran by analyzing the content of media programs. It addressed the policies pursued by the political system with the tools of the national media, with the aim of regulating the relations between the small groups of identity and national identity. The main issue in this study is to check the ethnic policies of the Islāmic Republic of Iran towards ethnicities and to understand the approaches of ethnic representation through the analysis of the content of popular films broadcast on television.

In this paper, the content analysis method is used to collect and analyze data. In the analysis of the content of TV films, the sample unit was popular films; the recording unit, ethnic themes, and symbols; Statistical analysis of ethnic policy items have also been provided separately to answer research questions as a unit of analysis in research counting units that are film sequences.

The research findings are analyzed in the form of 24 categories: first category: film genre, second category: film subject, third category: threat and humiliation of ethnic groups, fourth category: adherence of ethnic culture to the dominant culture, Fifth and sixth categories: repression and imprisonment of ethnic figures, seventh category: local language, eighth category: local language in the school environment or government offices, ninth category: school access to Persian language, Tenth category: social participation of ethnic groups, eleventh category: independent political organization, twelfth category: loyalty of ethnic groups to sovereignty, thirteenth category: ethnic disputes, fourteenth and fifteenth category: ethnic killing or expulsion and separation of ethnic groups from the land, sixteenth category: national unity, Seventeenth category: local protests, Eighteenth category: ethnic coöperation with local groups, nineteenth category: local clothing, twentieth category: Persians, twenty-first category: homogeneity of greatest and minority, twenty-second category: ethnic politics, twenty-third category: peaceful coexistence, last category : Which people? The findings show that the highest frequency is related to pluralism, but in the cultural dimension, not in the structural dimension. That is to say, attention to cultural differences such as customs, local dress, the local language, as well as peaceful living between subcultures, or local tribes and groups has been given more emphasis.

In popular Iranian national media films, the politics of pluralism in the cultural dimension are represented more often, And in the second priority, ethnic replication policies and some of its dialects have also had significant frequency in the sequences. Representation of the demands and demands (social, cultural, economic, and political) of the ethnic groups also shows that these structural and political demands of the ethnic groups have been completely ignored And there have been negative and passive reactions to them from the central government. Finally, there is a big difference between representing popular films in the national media and ethnic realities in society; Because if we consider the content and genre of films, a small number of films are based on a historical genre made by national media agents, and as a result, many of them have been shown with an unrealistic theme of the history of ethnic groups and ethnic groups.

The geopolitical environment can be considered as a network within which there are different actors and actors. In this network, each of the actors has a different role, weight, importance, communication, and ability to influence and act. In such a way I can see a hierarchy of power, influence and influence in it. The geopolitical position of countries plays an important role in generating their power. Iran because of its ancient civilization. Having extensive natural resources; The population has a significant geopolitical centrality. Iran is a country whose power is greatly influenced by its geopolitical position. This study intends to make a comparative study of Iran's geopolitical centrality in the Pahlavi and Islamic Republic governments. The Middle East region, as a geopolitical network, has several sub-networks, and in total, we can name 11 geopolitical sub-networks, the most important of which are the sub-network of Islam, energy, democracy, and the sub-network of resistance.

 The research method in this article is analytical-descriptive. The data and information in this article have been done using the library method and by studying articles, books and documents.

The Middle East is a geopolitical network in which different actors compete for control and influence, and this competition takes place in several subnets. The Middle East Geopolitical Network has eleven geopolitical sub-networks Which include:  Resources, Economy and Energy, Shiism, Islam, Sunni, Arabs, Security, West, Resistance, Terrorism, Democracy, Gulf Cooperation Council Iran, as one of the countries in the Middle East region, has had a different position in these sub-networks in different periods.  In the Pahlavi era, the centrality of Iran was mostly related to the security, western and economic sub-networks but in the period of the Islamic Republic, they changed their nature and took on more ideological aspects. Before the 1979 revolution, Iran was more concentrated on the three networks of the West, security, and the economy. Under the Western network, which existed against the communist regime, and all the countries of the Middle East except Syria, South Yemen, and Iraq were present in this sub-network. Iran was highly centralized due to more advanced modernism than other countries
The security network included Iran and several other countries, including Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey in order to counter the influence of communism and to defend the West, they realize that Iran is being considered by the Western powers and is centrally managing this network. The economic sub-network includes the oil countries of the region, in which Iran is the center of energy flow in the Middle East. The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution in February 1978 is the beginning of a new chapter in the contemporary history of Iran and established a republic based on Shiite Islam under the name of the Islamic Republic. This revolution caused many changes in Iran and the region Iran subnets in this period include Shiite subnets, democracy, and resistance. The Shiite sub-network includes Iran, Iraq, Bahrain, and Lebanon, with Iran as a key player, as opposed to the Saudi-led Sunni network. The geopolitical subnet of democracy also includes countries with democratic governments, including the United States and the West, Turkey, Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, and Israel. There is a fundamental contradiction in this subnet, and that is the presence of the West and Iran together. Iran is not very central in this sub-network. Iran argues for religious democracy in the face of the Western model of democracy. Religious democracy is influenced by the form of government of the Islamic Republic and is based on the two foundations of republic and Islam. Resistance-based subnets include Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah, Lebanon, Ansar al-Yamin, Hamas . These sub-networks have been formed in opposition to the West and seek to confront the West and allied countries with the West, especially Israel.

The Middle East is one of the most challenging regions in the world today due to its strategic location and the abundance of vital resources and the intervention of great powers. As a result, most countries and their governments are in crisis or are looking for weapons and ammunition for fear of war.  Iran, as one of the most important countries in the Middle East, is no exception to this rule. This article comparatively examines the geopolitical centrality of Iran in the two Pahlavi and Islamic Republic periods. Based on the findings of this study, the influential factor in Iran's geopolitical subnets in the Pahlavi period (West, security and economy) has been the West. In 1978, the Islamic Revolution of Iran led by Imam Khomeini won and the Islamic Republic of Iran became a country that did not belong to any of the ideologies of communism and capitalism and established its government based on the religion of Islam.  The victory of the Islamic Revolution causes a change in the geopolitical sub-networks of Iran in comparison with the Pahlavi era and new sub-networks with an ideological nature are formed (democracy, Shiite, resistance).

In discussing the activity of terrorist and militia groups in Baluchistan region, which have the color of geopolitical activism and fundamentalist (anti-Shia) tendencies, the role of regional and extra-regional foreign governments is of special importance; because in the competitive or hostile atmosphere that exists around the Islamic Republic of Iran as a regional power with anti-Western and Shiite ideological tendencies, making Iran appear unstable and endangering the security of its borders can be a step towards weakening this country and the possible change of the balance of power in their favor. The main question of the current research is: What role do foreign powers play in the geopolitical activism of terrorist groups in Baluchistan? The hypothesis that is raised following this question: Regional and extra-regional powers have taken advantage of the special geopolitical situation of Baluchistan and with direct and indirect support, mainly financial, they use the movements of these groups to destabilize Iran's borders and attack the country's interests. The results of the research show that the entanglement of Baluchistan's borders between the two countries of Iran and Pakistan and its proximity to the Afghan Taliban, along with the unfavorable economic situation and political isolation and social discrimination of this area (which has a Sunni minority), have given power foreign countries have allowed them to pursue their goals and objectives better. The research method in this article is to collect historical and non-historical documents and sources in a library manner and then analyze the obtained data.

The continuation of war and insecurity throughout history has been one of the most important concerns of governments and people in various geographical areas. War as Jihad,  is one of the ten branches of the Islamic religion,  which means campaigning with enemies and using maximum power to spread Islam or fearing of its dominance, and it has rightful and justice-seeking goals; For this reason, it is called "Holy Jihad". Whatever the cause of war, its ultimate goal is peace  creating an ideal society. From a jurisprudential point of view, establishing peace is possible in three ways: Primary war, Defensive war, War with hypocrites and rebels. Islamic thinkers call the title "Primary Jihad" instead of "just war". The purpose of primary jihad is to establish divine and rational laws in the Islamic land ,to invite polytheists to it and to fight against rebels, and taking over the land is not an option. One of the examples of war in the political geography of the Islamic world dates back to the Ghaznavid period. The campaigns of the Ghaznavid sultans, especially Mahmud, were carried out under the slogan of "war for the sake of religion" and against the Indian pagans, while their purpose was actually to capture the spoils of war. The purpose of this article, which was carried out with a descriptive-analytical method, is to identify the reasons for the occurrence of war in the geographical territory of the Ghaznavid government with reference to the history of Beyhaqi. By researching the history of Beyhaqi, this article shows that three main reasons were influential in the emergence of "war for the sake of God in the geographical territory of the Ghaznavids": 1. The political situation governing the institution of the Abbasid caliphate; 2. The influence of the institution of religion on the rise and fall of the Ghaznavids; 3. Mutual support of the Ghaznavids and the Abbasid Caliphate. Also, this research has shown that none of the wars of the Ghaznavid period was an example of "war for the sake of God". Only a few cases of war with rebels can be found based on examples in Bayhaqi history, otherwise, the text of Bayhaqi history testifies that most of these wars were carried out with the aim of consolidating power, gaining wealth, exerting power and force on the people, and had nothing to do with the Islamic rulings on war and jihad.

Current Geographical spaces, from local to global scales, are affected by global drug trade. Cultivation, production, transit, distribution and consumption trends have dynamic and complex features. Actors of drug's geopolitics plan their strategies based on the geopolitical features of the geographical space under their control. The purpose of this research is to categorize the actors who benefit from the global drug trade, in order to strengthen scientific resources in the field of this trade and to create a scientific background for future studies when dealing with active actors in the global drug trade and also to determine the group that includes these actors, by examining the mechanism and level of their benefit. Since, according to neo-realists, non-state actors are effective components of global systems, the classification of actors benefiting from illegal trade can be effective in determining new coping strategies. In the current research, by using experimental assumptions and classification of scientific findings, we have tried to classify and explain geopolitical drug actors as influential components of a global system. Therefore, within the framework of the theory of structural realism, with the method of documentary and library research of Persian and non-Persian first-hand resources, activists who benefit from the geopolitics of global drug trends were categorized in six groups including: individual actors, criminal organizations, armed movements, Narco-states, hostile states and the hidden actors. Also, in terms of purpose and benefit mechanism, they have been analyzed in two groups: 1- actors with geopolitical goals and 2- actors with geo-economic goals.

Political organization of space is an organized human space based on political considerations and it is one of the most important factors of territoriality in different scales for political roles, to control and effective management of land and in all countries of the world it is one of the pillars of development. The civil divisions of the country are one of the dimensions of the political organization of the space used by governments. The research method is descriptive-analytic and the method of data collection is matrix. The purpose of this study is the pathology of the political organization of space in Iran from the perspective of the structure- agent approach. The results show that the structural factor with components such as constitution, type of government, national security, laws of division of the country, development programs, security laws, emergency controls, strategic ideas, high oversight, the prevailing political discourse and the central development model have the greatest impacts. Among the components of the Agent, the components of president and members of parliament have a high weight in the political organization of space in Iran but other agent components are not effective and in general, the influence of the structure factor in political organization of space is greater than the agent in Iran.

In the contemporary higher education system, "interdisciplinary studies" has gained a prominent place and has become a basic need in academia and in the process of science production, which in addition to expanding knowledge and using the capacities of neighboring disciplines, opens up new frontiers in the field of research, responds to solving multifaceted problems as well as avoiding crises caused by a single discipline. The purpose of this study is that looking at the visible and hidden capabilities of the two fields of legal studies and literary studies and using the scientific mechanisms of each of them, can provide a basis for researchers in these two fields to help in new scientific approaches and meet the needs of human societies. The findings of the present study, which is based on a library-based methodology and qualitative data analysis, is that interdisciplinary studies in literature and law are a social and academic necessity, and the results can be used in both the realms of literature and law. They can also be effective in spreading the level of rationality and social justice, discovering new intellectual realms, analyzing and recognizing the mistakes of the proponents of these two scientific fields, raising the level of flexibility of researchers, closing the communication gaps between the two experts.

Too much extraction from natural resources, such as extraction of surface water and groundwater, means the loss of a country's natural capital. Fars province is facing the effects of the water crisis, such as the drying up of lakes (Lake Parishan, Bakhtegan and Tashk), land subsidence and the deficit of groundwater reservoirs. This descriptive-analytical study seeks to answer the question of what is the relationship between electricity tariffs in agriculture and the formation of the water crisis? The goals of the development programs in the agricultural sector have been to achieve self-sufficiency in agricultural products, to rely on the export of agricultural products and to ensure the country's food security. On the other hand, one of the effective variables in increasing or decreasing the amount of abstraction from groundwater is the tariffs related to electricity consumption as one of the production inputs in the agricultural sector. Relying on statistical data on electricity consumption in the agricultural sector, first the prices of electricity consumed in agriculture were adjusted based on the consumer index to eliminate the effects of inflation on electricity prices. Then it was observed that with the decrease of groundwater level in different plains of Fars province, electricity prices or in other words the costs of groundwater extraction have sharply decreased. In other words, one of the most important factors in the uncontrolled extraction of groundwater and reducing the level of these waters has been the reduction of electricity prices and other energies required for water extraction. Because groundwater extraction is inversely related to extraction costs, and in order to achieve sustainable development goals, realizing tariffs on production inputs can be effective in reducing groundwater abstraction.

Tensions between the Kurds and the Iraqi central government have continued throughout the country's contemporary history. The imposed geopolitics of the trans-regional powers in Iraq for more than half a century has led to violent ethnic resistance. To begin with, Iraq is an outcome of trans-regional geopolitical policy. Its leaders have always struggled to create an inclusive national identity and have used only violent means.
One of Iraq's problems for political stability and the creation of a coherent structure is the agreement with the Iraqi Kurdistan Federal Government on the disputed issues. Among these, one of the most contentious factors between the central government and the Kurds is the issues related to the disputed areas which its settlement is widely reflected in the Iraqi constitution and Security Council resolutions and a variety of solutions has been offered. This article uses a descriptive-analytical method to study and explain the territorial dispute between the Kurds and the central government of Iraq. The results of the research show that the settlement of territorial disputes is affected by geopolitical competition and the best solution to this crisis is to use a good governance model for the development and stability of those areas.

The purpose of the present study is to review the requirements of ethnic policymaking and management in order to achieve national integrity and enhance the efficiency of the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to the existing structures and factors. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and it aims to find an answer to this main question: What are the most important requirements of ethnic policymaking in Iran with regard to its centralized unitary structure of government? The results show that it is through considering the requirements of policymaking in terms of optimal management of the realm of the country and its inhabitants that the best method for implementing policies can be selected. This issue can ultimately lead to using the potentials of natural and human geography that guarantee national security and achievement of national goals. Furthermore, having a systematic approach, paying attention to the cultural geography of the country, and balanced development are among some other requirements of ethnic policymaking. Considering these needs and paying attention to the influential components in management of ethnic varieties have a positive impact on the efficiency of the Islamic republic of Iran and display its practical effectiveness in performing its duties toward the citizens' expectations.

The space and place are the key concepts in the social sciences, architecture, physics, urban planning and especially geographical sciences. But there is no consensus on the definitions, and scope of space and place. The most important and common definition in the academic community of Iran in relation to space is that: the Space is the relationship between objects and phenomena. But in practice, whether consciously or unconsciously, this definition of space is usually applied in the country's scientific community, an absolute Descartes that remind of the modern age, that is, looking at space as a fixed, coordinated thing. In this view, the space is eternal, stationary, isotropic, networked, coordinate and measurable. From the point of view of this research, the problem generally refers to the failure of most research in constructing the fundamental ontological and epistemological nature of the problem of the space and place. We confront, for example, a relative neglect of the underlying principles that many researchers and theorists base on their understanding of the space and place, that is, the way base the particular object of their research. This neglect is problematic for many reasons, in particular because it impedes the formulation of a dialectical approach to the problem of the space and place, thereby the most research about these consciously or unconsciously constrained in Descartes's philosophically constraints. This article seeks to expose Descartes's implicit foundations of the space and place, and to critically reading Marxist, postmodern and phenomenological views of the space and place to analyze it in relation to everyday life and world life.MethodologyThis research, based on its nature is fundamental research and based on a descriptive-analytical approach with a critical approach and has attempted to critic the foundations of the dominant approach from critical view.

The first attempts to provide a definition of the concepts of space and place are in the field of philosophy, presented by Plato and Aristotle. After these two other philosophers, such as Descartes, Kant, Hegel, Marx, Bergson, Husserl, etc., attempted to develop these concepts. But it was during Strauss and Foucault that more serious questions arose. Are history, historicity and historical conscience inherent in human existence? Or are the concepts imposed on different histories across places? Such act needs to be rearticulation the notion of space and place in the 'modern' not only to re-examine this issue where space and place have been abandoned, but also to consider where and how had located places and spaces. We also have three general views of space and place that we must consider about some epistemological chasms. 1) The Newtonian view in the context of Euclidean geometry- this view that knew everything mathematically and quantitatively and measurable based on that space and place were measurable and capable of being represented quantitatively. 2) The view attributed to Leibniz and Einstein, unlike its predecessor, sees time and space as part of human mental structures. In this view, time and space are not the output but the result of construction of human input; the space in a relational thought is a relative matter, and a way of knowing about the relationships between the elements of the physical world. 3) Kant's view; Kant's compromise on understanding space as a real thing but only accessible through intuitive and immediate efforts can build a bridge between Newton and Leibniz. In this study we attempt to analyze the categories of space and place through a critical rethinking and from the perspective of the three Marxist, phenomenological and postmodern schools, all three schools aiming to move from positivism and Descartes dualism to a higher level of explanation, intellection or interpret. Critical research criticizes the positivist approach for not being able to examine people's meanings and understand their capacity to feel and think. Marxists with a certain interpretation of Marx completely rejected the positivist spatial representation. In their view, all spatial relationships and processes are in fact social relations that have taken the spatial form. Phenomenology has also been introduced as a new, critical and compelling scientific position against positivism, and Husserl considers its duty to expose and review all the fundamental claims and assumptions that the positivist sciences (objective, dogmatic) have assumed, and ultimately Postmodernist viewpoints, with their crushing criticism of positivism and other early approaches, all them question as the schools of »being« and the metaphysics of presence as their central theme.

The conceptual definition of the categories of space and place is based on the ontological, epistemological, and methodological nature of important philosophical paradigms, and without understanding the philosophical underpinnings of these concepts, conceptual confusion is inevitable. The three paradigms explored in this study have been the dominant views since the 1970s. Archimedes-based views began their analysis by critiquing the dominant mechanistic view and by considering the theories that Achilles' heel of positive theories. Marxist analysis is based on exposing the antagonistic relationships of the capitalist system, which produces and consumes space like other objects. In this school, the production of capitalist space must be understood dialectically and as a whole flow (process) and place (form) because the two are intertwined and it is necessary to understand the totality of the capitalist system. In this view, all spatial relationships and processes are in fact social relations that have become spatial form. In phenomenology, space and place are intertwined. The World life is an important issue that in this view the space prioritizes over space and time; in phenomenology, although place provides context for places, but also derives its meaning from places. And finally, in postmodernism, the category of space is examined as fragmented, partial, special, and case; the category of space is multiple and multifaceted in power relations, and it is constructive of a discourse that it has always been engraved with the symbol of power and have plunged into another area within subject-oriented discourses.

With the outbreak of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Islamic ideological discourse as the most important element in the discursive field of the discourse of modernism was able to articulate with other sub-discourses and according to its capabilities, credibility and populism was able to bring the transcendence of their discourse to the foreground in comparison with the dominant discourse and especially in relation to rival discourses. This new discourse with the creation of a new ideal space emerged as a discourse of hegemony and created a dominant political construction in this period in the history of Iran. What further led to the hegemony of this Islamic ideological discourse over rival discourses, along with Ayatollah Khomeinichr('39')s charisma, was the adoption of a strategy right under the guise of a policy of solidarity between different groups in the sense that Laclau and Mouffe envisioned. It signifies the creation of an organic alliance between groups, parties, organizations, and the masses with the aim of turning social affairs into political ones. This study deals with a fundamental approach and using an analytic-descriptive method i.e discourse analysis, investigates the dominance of Islamic ideological discourse over the political construction of space in the first decade of the revolution. The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between space, power and discourse in the Foucaultian sense and its effect on the political construction of space. The central signifier of this discourse is the Islamic ideology that emerged in opposition to and in the negation of the centrality of the previous discourse, Western modernism. Also, the space-place notion in which this discourse is manifested is the Islamic nation where the element of land is eliminated and extended to the realm of the world, instead.

The political function of the various units within the country depends on the type of government and political system in the country. Most researchers merely describe the functional and structural features of space policy management and explain how countries are divided and ignore the impact of different factors on the way political management of space has been. Governments have to reorganize their territory politically in order to govern and govern their territory. Also, the level of power and authority of the regions within the countries depends on the type of political system governing the countries. The context and framework of the administrative organizational structure of a country is determined by the political management of space. If the system of political management of space is hierarchically high, the organizational structure will also tend to be high. The high structure, in addition to slowing down the information process, has led to the expansion of bureaucracy due to the need for facilities, resources and manpower, and the complication of bureaucracy, waste of resources and high costs. Marxism has been chosen as a discourse centered on justice, and Castro-era Cuba has been chosen for analysis as a country influenced by this discourse. In Cuba after the 1959 revolution against the dictator Batista, the centralist structure that prevailed during his time continued in a different way. Cuban society before the revolution was different from the civilized societies of the time, the fundamental distinction between the deprived and the affluent, the rulers and farmers and citizens of Havana with other peoples, had created a rift that could make Cubans two separate nations. A select group of prominent government officials, army officers, and landowners ruled the community, and the rest of the people lived in deplorable living, health, and educational conditions.This study is about the political management of space in Cuba after the 1959 revolution.

The nature of exploratory research is descriptive-analytic and uses library resources, and the method is also influenced by the provocative methods; discourse is, according to a dominant definition, intellectual and practical logic ruling over a specific time and place, the ideology of a state Can be considered a hegemonic discourse. Using the method of Laclau and Mouffe discourse analysis to analyze phenomena, events and socio-political issues requires accurate knowledge of the concepts used by the two, as long as the researcher has not learned these concepts properly, their application and formulation in various subjects. It is difficult and impossible, the most important concepts and terms of Lacla and Mouffe that are often used in this research are such as articulation, domain of discourse, obstruction, chain of equivalence and so on.. 

The ideology of government in Cuba has had a special impact on its political management. The characteristics of Cuba in the form of the analysis of the discourses of Lacla and Mouffe, describe and then influence the dominant discourse on Cuba in its political management after the 1959 revolution. After the revolution, ideology of Marxism paid attention to the necessity of paying attention to all aspects of the Cuban nation, and it became apparent on all issues of this country. At periods in the life of Cuba's socialist system over the past 60 years, this discourse has had its weaknesses. Not all Cubans agreed with the new regime, and the US-backed opposition created problems for a goal-oriented and egalitarian justice discourse. The popular discourse in post-revolutionary Cuba was easily introduced to the traditional society of the country. People had not forgotten the bitter experience of the Spanish, American and colonial period of Batista and his allies, the new discourse gained credibility with them. The type of government in Cuba is centralist and simple, and the main powers and institutions of government are all concentrated in Havana. All states are under the control of the central government and are subordinate to the government in important decisions and have no special autonomy. This centralism is also one of the policies of the Cuban revolutionary discourse. Autonomy has been widely condemned for economic sabotage and interaction with the United States since the beginning of the revolution, and states are unlikely to become autonomous for many years to come. The states have full authority over local affairs, and all elements of local government are elected by the local people, but the policy of most local policies is also determined by the Communist Party offices there, although this has changed since the constitutional amendment.

From the research results, it appears that Cuban political management of space is centered on the separation of powers and recognizes the constitution of civil and religious freedoms.. The blockade of the Cuban revolutionary discourse after the collapse of the Soviet Union led to a revision of the constitution, which has guaranteed the revision and revision of the entrenchment of Cuban revolutionary discourse. Keywords: Discourse Analysis,Cuban Revolution,Political management of space,Laclau ∧ Mouffe, Socialism.

For more than 40 years, Robert Dahl’s theory of polyarchy democracy has been considered by scholars as one of the most effective, robust, and enlightening forms of contemporary revisionist democratic theory. The English version of this book was published in 1971 and its translation was published in 2018. Polyarchy is defined as a set of institutional arrangements that allow for public opposition and inclusive participation in politics. The central assumption of the sign in this book, which involves a linear process, is that when hegemonic systems and competitive dictatorships move toward multiculturalism, opportunities for effective participation and questioning increase. Therefore, the number of individuals, groups, and interests whose policy priorities are considered increases. In this article, an attempt is made to examine the intellectual background and studies of Robert Dahl over two decades (1970-1950) and to identify the roots of the development of his theory of polyarchy democracy, presented in the form of an independent book, in his earlier works.

Identities are created, fabricated, reproduced, and, ultimately, represented in popular geopolitics, and, depending on the scale of diffusion, affect the subjective and inter-subjective perceptions of individuals and human societies. Hence, given the multiplicity of media as the main means of dissemination as well as their socialization, different types of popular geopolitics are conceived in the face of a single issue and have a corresponding effect on each. The regional policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran against the terrorism are a single issue for each of the agents and actors; Regional and international, governmental and non-governmental, individual or institutional; They went to it with their reading and recitation and inevitably, they have represented it. By descriptive method and semiotic analysis of the selected illustrated works, identified three main genres of supportive, critical and hostile in these representations and while providing quantitative and qualitative documentation of the interpreted and analyzed works, explained the results of these three genres and the aspects of identity pursued.