فهرست مطالب رضا نصیری حامد

The current research aims to investigate the post-colonial approach and assess its theoretical possibilities for rethinking and reflecting on Iranian identity in the contemporary era. The present study is qualitative and based on a critical and comparative analysis of the post-colonial theory with an emphasis on identity and the issues that have made Iranian identity problematic. This investigation, which looks at the most important aspects of post-colonial theory, includes some of the important opinions and ideas in the field of contemporary identity in Iran, which can be compared in terms of common concerns. Although Iran is one of the few countries that has not been directly colonized, it is not free from the problems of the colonial era, and in the identification of the recent era, it has faced the same problems that were raised in the post-colonial approach. Considering the multi-layered identity and their always complicated relationship, the important issue in this study is the quality of establishing a relationship between the components of the Iranian identity with each other on the one hand, and at the same time, facing the other in a new situation. Based on the post-colonial approach, redefining the Iranian identity requires a new rethinking of emerging identity requirements, which, on the one hand, requires taking a critical stance towards the dominance of the assumptions of the orientalist discourse and a passive tendency towards it, and on the other hand, must try to avoid the negative pole. In this regard, it is possible to avoid reactive and passive localism. Thus, in the context of the post-colonial era and context, away from the inherent epistemological dualisms, the possibility of establishing a new knowledge system based on the belief that identity is constructed, as well as the so-called hybrid nature of identity, is an important issue of redefining the identity of Iranians in the new era. Such a new rethinking is necessary for active interaction in the current world and for adopting a position beyond historical love and hatred.

 The constitutional movement in Iran, which was accompanied by many ups and downs, called for various changes at the political and social levels. The numerous demands that were made under the heading of constitution in an attempt to respond to the political system in Iran, they were accompanied by different readings in various opinions procedures in practice. It was considered for a variety of reasons, including the rigidity of the ruling political structure and the providing a sudden opportunity for public demands, movements calling for widespread fundamental changes and even posed a threat to the principle of movement. This inevitably raises a radical dimension among the people, which not only led to some extremism and violence by some constitutionalists, but also it provoked the opposition against the constitutionalism including the monarchists as well as their religious and social allies. In the face of this situation, one of the important tendencies was to try to conserve moderation in the popular struggles, which on the one hand it bordered on the supporters of absolute monarchy, and the same time it called for avoiding of extremism and radical actions. Martyr Thiqat al Islam Tabrizi can be considered as a prominent figure of this movement who was committed to adopting a moderate approach and avoiding of violence and extremism, both in terms of his view and practical way.

 The present article argues that the general characteristics of conservative thought, including caution about the direct presence of the rabble in politics and the need to control the intensity of their actions while believing in the need to demarcate with the reactionaries of the status quo advocates and striving for gradual changes are one of the important pillars of the view of Thiqat al –Islam. Therefore, in this article, while referring to the principles of epistemology, anthropology, and also the political thought of conservatism, the opinions and consequently the political action of Thiqat al–Islam are analyzed.      

 The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes:1. Conservatism is generally defined as resistance to change and desire to conserve the status quo old traditions and institutions.2.Conservatives see tradition as the foundation of social order, so they are highly skeptical of change, especially large and sudden changes and more than a violent revolution that transforms the established order.3. Conservatives generally advocate for changes to conserve traditions and they increase individual and social security.4. Anthropologically, conservatives have a pessimistic view of the nature of human. This conservative belief is justified by various aspects, such as religious and psychological. They believe that humans are naturally selfish, thirsty for power and prone to chaos.

Analysis:

 Conservatives have believed in the existence of a supreme authority in society and they have always opposed the presence of the rabble in politics. They have a pessimistic view of freedom from a liberalism perspectives. Another central feature of conservatism, despite of differences in tendencies, is the belief in inequality in society and the failure of any attempt to create the equality and the social leveling.

Thiqat al-Islam Tabrizi, as a prominent figure mentioned in this article as an example of conservatism in Iran, shows some of characteristics of conservatism under what can be called the “Iranian constitution”. What evident in his thought, on the one hand his prudence and caution and warning about extremism and radical movements, called for a change in the constitution, which is in line with conservative thought. In addition, in terms of anthropology, Thiqat al –Islam has a more supportive view of people than a pessimistic view of human beings, and explicitly he mentions their status as minors in the complex field of politics. Of course, his view as he himself states, comes from a different view from the equality of the modern age. He distinguishes between having right   with the ability and the necessary conditions to the exercising right. Despite all his efforts to defend the constitution, he doesn’t speak explicitly about the role of the people and the belief in the possibility of their empowerment, and it is not clear when the people will acquire the necessary competence and jurisdiction to full political participation and the realization of their right. In cases such as the generalization of the right of   the vote, he is concerned that the establishment of a new order in politics and granting of the right to all, it creates opportunities that all theconsequences cannot be summed up in the future and perhaps the job may be in the hands of incompetents who under the pretext of this, try to confiscate the positive achievements of the constitution.

Depicting the relationship between religion and modernity in the changing world  caused by the modern crashing waves, which sweep away all religious values and beliefs at a high speed, has been one of the tasks of the new religious thinkers. This trend has always tried to provide an up-to-date reading of religion by re-reading religious propositions in accordance with the evolving conditions caused by modern affairs. "Mehdi Bazargan" and "Ali Shariati" are two Iranian modern thinkers who have tried to determine the position of the religious subject in the new era based on the reinterpretation of traditional foundations in interaction with the new era. Using two narratives of authoritarianism and dialogue-centered relationship between subject and authority as a theoretical approach and qualitative content analysis method, this article has examined and explored the opinions of Bazargan and Shariati. The findings of this research indicate that the method of each of them had differences from another method; Concerned about providing a definition of traditional religious foundations that is compatible with the modern world, Bazargan tried to provide more space for the subject. On the other hand, Shariati, by emphasizing an ideological reading of Shi'ism, aimed to remove the subject from the control of traditional authority and emphasize her humanity even while remaining loyal to traditional teachings.

Iraq is a country with geopolitical bottleneck, suitable geo-economic position, ethnic and religious diversity, and also under the domination of autocratic rulers throughout history. Ethnic-religious gaps along with cultural-social gaps, especially the activation of historical, ethnic, religious, and tribal faults that became possible after the US military invasion of Iraq in March 2003, created a very favorable environment for militant armed groups in opposition to the central government. The social structure of Iraq, like most countries in West Asia, is a mosaic structure consisting of ethnic groups and different sects. This structure with a diverse and heterogeneous demographic structure was the result of the efforts of extra-regional powers and specifically England to break up the Ottoman Empire after the First World War and form new countries with a mosaic social structure and conflicting identities. The policy of assimilation based on the ideology of pan-Arabism, making the government and the army Arab-Sunni, ignoring other groups and ethnic and religious tendencies, and preventing them from entering the field of political power and cultural development based on ethnic-religious divisions caused the emergence of Kurdish ethnocentrism and Shiism became political This resulted in the formation and strengthening of Shiite and Kurdish groups against the central government and their continuous struggles. Unfortunately, the process of democratization in Iraq showed that the elections and political approaches of the Iraqi people are mostly organized based on identity and ethnicity, and other social institutions are not powerful and comprehensive enough to cover this gap beyond ethnic-sectarian groupings give The authoritarian political structure that has always ruled in these countries has insisted on the rejection of social and political freedoms and the formation of groups, each of which can play a role in the education and growth of the society, and has prevented the process of change towards a multi-vocal society. One of the most important challenges in Iraq after the departure of the occupiers is the competition of ethnic groups and religious groups to take over seats in the parliament and government and important political positions, which has led to a serious competition and conflict between the groups and their supporters, and these disaffected groups, the majority of which are also armed, from time to time launch military operations against each other and cause serious problems for the security of the citizens. Investigating why Iraq fell to the sidelines of the political development process and also the role of influential factors in the lack of political development of this country after the overthrow of the Baath party is the main goal of this research. The effort is to find a scientific answer to this question during this exploration. Among the variables influencing the lack of political development, the internal components of this country, including social, cultural, historical mindsets, political and economic factors, as well as the structure and military and security capabilities of the Iraqi government have a major impact. Since the formation of this country, the social structure of Iraq has been based on numerous ethnic-sectarian divisions, which have appeared at different times despite the efforts of the Baathist regime to define a single Iraqi identity The emergence of politics based on ethnic and sectarian identities as the main way of social and political self-definition and as a result the weakening of social cohesion is one of the main characteristics of the new Iraq, which has a fundamental impact on the security of this country. The rise and spread of terrorism in Iraq has complex dimensions that the main factors involved in it can be divided into two categories: internal factors and external factors On the other hand, the internal factors include the tensions between the Kurdistan Region and the central government of Iraq over the disputed areas, the coming to power of the Shiites and the weakening and isolation of the Sunni Arabs, as well as the tribal fabric of the country of Iraq and On the other hand, external factors include: the emergence and presence of terrorist organizations such as ISIS, the American policy in the fight against terrorism, and the different policies and approaches of the regional powers towards the developments in Iraq, including the main factors in the path of political underdevelopment along with the disorder in Iraq after the overthrow of the regime. They are considered the dictator of BaathIn fact, the hypothesis of this research is that the main factors in the lack of political development in post-Saddam Iraq can be divided into two categories of internal factors: war and internal strife for power and the strengthening of politics based on ethnic and sectarian identities, the tension between the Kurdistan region and the central government and On the other hand, external factors include: the emergence and presence of terrorist organizations such as ISIS, the presence of US-led coalition forces, and interventions in the country's political affairs, etc., in the last two decades, have challenged the process of political development after the collapse of the Baath party in Iraq. Sometimes it has stopped The current research is descriptive-analytical in terms of method As a result, moving in the direction of desirable political development can be a fundamental transformation in the political belief of people and institutions of this country, which presupposes changes in culture, economy, and society. Changes in the mentioned fields become a factor for changes in the political field or its consolidation Providing a suitable solution to get out of the impasse of political underdevelopment and not to deviate from the correct path of progress and all-round development in a country with diversity of ethnic groups, religions and different languages ​​like Iraq, without considering all the effective variables, cannot be useful. The correct path of the political development of Iraqi society requires a fundamental transformation in the political belief of the influential religious institutions and individuals of this country, which are presupposed by changes in culture, economy, and society Instead of turning to Western imitation values, which can increase its vulnerability, the modernist cultural efforts can be focused on the concepts of religious transformation, justice, cooperation, and equality, national unity and harmony, forgiveness, and tolerance, tolerance and Different vision in political and social activities along with attention to the patriotic political elites who everyone accepts should rely on free elections in the way of establishing democracy in order to achieve national unity and integrity  and like them, most of them have religious, ideological and national roots.

The concept of corruption is one of the concepts that has always been considered as a violation or deviation from social and divine laws and order. This issue is so key that it can be said that the law was formed both on the opposite side of corruption and around it. The emphasis on establishing and promoting a nationwide and universal law in the hope of avoiding any type of corruption is considered the historical and political basis of all legislations. Based on this, the basic laws and upper documents in the government of modern nations have been formed to minimize or completely eliminate corruption and are always updated according to the new forms of corruption. The frequency of concepts and examples of corruption in these laws shows the level and intensity of governments' treatment of laws in every government and society, which can be considered as a political comparison in reducing corruption and promoting the culture of development and peace, especially today. In this research, the policies to reduce the level of corruption contained in the upstream documents have been examined in accordance with the components of positive peace. The data of this research have been extracted and analyzed by qualitative content analysis method. The findings show that the relevant policies have positive characteristics, such as building values and lofty concepts, dealing with corruption, preventing the abuse of opportunities; And in some cases, the negative characteristics of codified policies, such as generality, vagueness,.....

The age of concept of peace and attention to it can be estimated as long as the formation of wars in human society. Throughout the history of mankind, there have been struggle, conflict and violence in human societies and humans have tried to deal with this situation and to end the war and establish peace. Although peace is usually defined as the absence of war, gradually, especially in the new era, a broader meaning called positive peace has been proposed which has emphasized the need for indicators beyond the existence of conflict. So in this article, emphasizing the concept of positive peace based on the thought of "Johan Galtung" and at the same time using the eight indicators of positive peace provided by the Institute of Economics and Peace (IEP), in addition to the negative aspect of peace, the positive aspects and in other words the needs of peace in societies have been discussed. The findings of the research show that positive peace is not only as a problem along with other issues of human societies, but also it has an irreplaceable important role as a necessary and inevitable basis for the realization of many macro goals of societies, such as interaction, solidarity, and development.

Jurisprudence is a knowledge derived from the historical heritage and intellectual tradition of Muslims, and political jurisprudence, under jurisprudence, deals with the organization of rulings and the expression of necessary components in political life. What is mainly manifested in jurisprudence and political jurisprudence in a special way is its interaction with real and external conditions resulting from its influence with the system of collective life arising from the power. Shia political jurisprudence expanded and developed in the third to fifth centuries. One of the effective factors and contexts in this issue was the emergence of demarcation between different religions and sects in the Islamic world, which caused the emergence of their distinct schools of jurisprudence in the Islamic society. In the meantime, looking at the specific aspects of Shia and especially since the politics and issues related to Imamate and government were among the main bases that distinguish Shia from other religions, the codification of political jurisprudence with the concern of establishing the special identity of Shia is on the agenda of the elders of this religion. In this article, looking at the conditions related to the codification of political jurisprudence, some of the most important influential people in the process of its establishment have been addressed, and in the position of expressing the findings, it has been shown that the effort regarding the codification of foundations and works related to political jurisprudence, along with its scientific and epistemological aspect followed the function of giving identity to the Shiite political situation. The aforementioned establishment situation later helped to stabilize and expand the discourse of Shiism in the following periods.

Humanism, as one of the pillars of the modern era, is defined by giving originality to man and usually in opposition to God-centeredness and divine sovereignty. However, one of the important aspects in the development and expansion of the meaning of humanism is its emphasis on the re-reading of human written heritage, including in the form of religious tradition, which has become the foundation of modern human sciences, and at the same time, contrary to the conventional view, it is a reading in agreement and compatibility with religions. This somewhat unfamiliar combination was proposed among thinkers of Christianity in the Renaissance period and has been used in the contemporary era by some thinkers like "Ali Shariati" to read the traditional intellectual heritage under the title of Islamic Humanism. The content of the present article is that despite the challenge in the possibility of fully combining these two concepts including a religion such as Islam with an ideology such as humanism, presenting this concept in the service of a critical reading of the previous Islamic tradition with a view to its similar experience in Christianity. The findings of such a study indicate that the distinctive feature of religious humanism, especially Islamic, instead of its anti-religious opposition, is based on what Shariati called "refinement of cultural resources" and a critical look at the heritage of the past.

Revolution is an event with fundamental and usually violent changes that disrupt the current course of affairs and seek to launch a new plan and establish a new system. One of the consequences of revolutions is the negation of existing political structures and revolutionaries usually establish their desired institutions after the revolutionary fervor has subsided. However, over time, the confrontation between revolutionary ideology and the administrative and executive structure resulting from the revolution has become one of the most challenging issues for revolutionaries. The present article argues that beyond case-specific conflicts, the root of this issue lies in the issue of "state-building." In fact, due to their sensitivity to the values of the revolution, revolutionaries are reluctant to accept the nature of the state in its true sense and with its inevitable requirements including the concentration of executive power in the government and the originality of the logic of public interest. They have a reductionist view of government, which causes even revolutionary governments to gradually lose an important part of their legitimacy and acceptance in this difficult situation. To this end and to show the importance of this issue as a structural matter and not just a specific person and government, we focus on the two governments of "Mahmoud Ahmadinejad" because the discourse of this government and its supporters, at least initially the coming of that revolutionary state was depicted, but the problem of the incompatibility of revolutionary act and the logic of action in the form of government in these states also manifested itself in a tangible way.The issue emphasized in this article, i.e. duality in revolutionary institutions and the established political structure, is an issue whose its history and background even goes back to the threshold of the Islamic Revolution; As with the transfer of executive power from the Shah to "Bakhtiar", dual sovereignty was keyed in the country and Imam Khomeini first formed the Revolutionary Council from exile and immediately after returning to Iran, the interim government headed by Bazargan was specified in the Imam's message that the installation Bazargan, while paying attention to their faith in the "Holy School of Islam" and also based on their fighting records, and at the same time "without considering party relations and depending on a particular group". Such an interpretation implicitly indicated the difference between the revolutionaries and the professional technocrats of politics, such as the national-religious forces, and also introduced some dualism in the post-revolution period. This dual situation is understandable in terms of the confrontation between the revolutionary regime and the political system before the revolution (Bakhtiar's government) and perhaps its existence at the beginning of the revolution is also justified, but the issue here is that such dual confrontation has continued in the post-revolution era for some reasons. Discourse disputes are usually made from floating signs at the level of society, but all of them immediately tend to reach the political power and have the upper hand in the government. Therefore, the gap and opposition between the revolutionary discourses and those who are on the opposite spectrum and are referred to by various titles such as moderate, moderate and sometimes harsh terms such as compromiser and even traitor, in its obvious form. shows at the government level. Of course, tension occurs not only in the institution of the government, but also in everything that leads to the government, for example, skepticism towards party activity or at least caution about it is a clear manifestation of this issue, and revolutionaries, including in Iran Due to the concern of the unity of the different classes and spectrums of the people, they have been worried about the multiplicity caused by the activities of the parties even among the aligned currents. This situation has intensified with the appearance of external threats and everything that is classified as coups, conspiracies, internal unrest and protests, etc. Ahmadinejad's coming to power was the result of the rise of fundamentalist, revolutionary and of course populist discourse. In particular, the important beginning of this movement was the victory of fundamentalists on the 28th of February 2003 in the second term of the Tehran City Council elections, which they achieved a decisive victory by organizing in the form of a coalition of Islamic Iran settlers. They were the result of an organization known as the "Coordinating Council of the Islamic Revolution Forces" which was influenced by two fundamentalist organizations "The Party of Islamic Revolution Martyrs" and "Islamic Society of Engineers" and finally Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as one of the activists of these two currents as the mayor of Tehran Selected. During the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa around 2011 onwards, Ahmadinejad used the term "human awakening" instead of the term "Islamic awakening" and tried to explain this phenomenon beyond a mere issue related to Muslims and Islam. This issue showed a non-ideological implication for describing such movements. Such themes in the philosophical literature and human sciences are not so unfamiliar interpretations, but the revolutionaries could not accept that such interpretations emanate from the speech of the government attributed to them, especially with all the costs they had paid materially and non-materially for the establishment of this government. In fact, just as once upon a time the rational explanation and interpretation of Islamic teachings by streams such as religious intellectuals were interpreted by neglecting some religious foundations, the belief of the spring ring in the reinterpretation of contemporary developments also meant ignoring a part of the revolutionary speech. The justification of the mentioned statesmen regarding the need to emphasize the commonalities between religions or to go beyond the appearances of the Sharia to reach its innermost meaning, because it required ignoring the authority of the revolutionaries, especially the clergy, as the intellectual and administrative authority of the discourse of the revolution, and at the same time, the specific and special dimensions of the discourse of the revolution could not be accepted by this group of supporters of the revolution.

Historiography is one of the most important contexts for the presence and manifestation of cultural nationalism and history has played a key role in the formation of the nation-state. In the age of the nation-state, a utilitarian view of history became important to governments through the writing and teaching of history. Most of the works that have studied contemporary Iran, have found modern Iran in the contrast of traditional and modern cultures have fallen into the trap of mere theory of tradition and modernism. Other few works that have discussed ideas in the form of left-wing or religious and liberal currents of thought have mostly studied the political arena or the so-called political manifestation of those currents in the form of political parties and organizations and have left their etymology. . The secularization of social systems and education is one of the pests of positivist logic that leads to many individual and social problems in Islamic society. The school of positivism has emerged prominently in Iranian nationalist historiography. Most of the histories written in the Pahlavi period carried the concept that achieving the development and modernization of society according to Western models is everyone's aspiration and this aspiration has been made possible by the adequacy of Reza Shah and then his son. Numerous writers were under this tendency and thought.

The school of segregation is one of the schools of thought that has become important in Shiite thought and seminaries. This school is basically an epistemological and methodological theoretical expression in terms of how to understand religious texts, which emphasizes the distinction between the three methods in a particular type of religious knowledge, namely, narration, philosophy and mysticism. This article uses a descriptive-analytical method with the aim of discovering the study of justice and installments in the wise political views and behavior towards politics and governance, including the revolution in the formation of the Egyptian revolution, seeks to answer the question of how the 2011 Egyptian revolution can be Analyzed the angle of the school of justice? The hypothesis presented in this regard is that in the formation of the Egyptian revolution, this view of the school of segregation that has influenced the fundamental changes in politics and political functions, especially by emphasizing the issue of installment and justice in the eyes of Hakimi. In the end, it can be concluded that in the process of revolutionary struggles in Egypt, the political behavior of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, the people and the government in practice, included participation in political struggles and in the theoretical field included participation in politics.

Cultural citizenship is the acceptance of the presence of citizens with cultural differences. The importance of cultural citizenship has become much greater in today's world under the critique of the common meaning of citizenship, which defines general rules for the subjects of a country and a political unit, given the diversity of population. In Iran, in terms of having diversity of people in terms of ethnicity, language, religion, gender, etc., the need to pay attention to cultural citizenship, the scope of which goes beyond mere political citizenship, is inevitable. It is argued that at the hardware level, in addition to foreign influence and intervention, authoritarian modernization and definition by defining a specific pattern of nationalism and at the software level intellectual, cultural and traditional barriers are the most important challenges and Obstacles to the realization of the cultural citizenship approach in Iran have been found. Go beyond and recognize the fundamentals of cultural citizenship.

The contemporary identity of Iranians in relation to their past as well as their interaction with global relations and at the same time its connection with development, has been the subject of various discussions among thinkers. In the book "Thought and Thinking", "Farhang Rajaei" inspired by the "The Law of World Governance Reason" in Letter of Tansar as a theoretical basis and equivalent to the principles of political science in the current world, has addressed reflections of thinkers from Iran and the world. His main concern is the pathology of the current situation governing the intellectual relations of Iranians and providing a way to play an active role in relations between countries so that they can achieve what is called playing in politics. To this end, he uses the past intellectual heritage try to suggest a link between thought and action that serves humanization and, in a sense in a dynamic and, of course, the endless process in which, in his opinion, even the so-called developed world countries are in the middle of that. The present paper, while reflecting on the above work, discusses some of the questions that arise from the author's concerns. However, the author's commendable effort in terms of the possibility of compatibility between the various components of the idea also has some points that will be mentioned.

In the Qajar era, for the first time, interpretations and words entered the political and social literature of Iran, which on the one hand was a sign of our familiarity with the West and on the other hand caused a change in the interpretations and concepts of the past. The use of these interpretations and combinations by influential intellectuals and clerics in the constitution was more apparent. The most important word and interpretation of this period or an intellectual challenge was the relationship between "Sharia" and "law" which was transmitted to the society by the intellectuals and thinkers in their writings and newspapers of that period. The clergies also used these new concepts in their thoughts. By studying the works and books of Thiqat al-Islam Tabrizi about the principles of his belief, new ideas and modern thoughts, the relationship between the status of Sharia and law has been examined. In his opinion, this concept of law is not in contradiction with the basic foundations of Shari'a and religious principles, and in fact, it is in line with it and approved by the principles of religion. The methodology of this research is analytical-explanatory.

The school of segregation is one of the schools of thought that has been important in Shiite thought and seminaries since 1992. This school is basically an epistemological and methodological theoretical expression in terms of how to understand religious texts, which emphasizes the distinction between the three methods of religious knowledge, namely, narration, philosophy and mysticism. In the school of segregation, theory focuses on doctrinal issues, with social and political issues on the sidelines. Therefore, there is no direct and clear content about the political views of the school of segregation.In this article, using a descriptive-analytical method and with the aim of discovering the study of justice and installment in the opinions of separatists and the political approach and behavior of separatists towards politics and governance, including the revolution, seeks to answer the question that the implications What is the political school of segregation? The hypothesis presented in this regard, using Skinner's methodology, is that the school of segregation's view of politics is based on fundamental epistemological changes and, consequently, political functions, especially with emphasis on installments and justice, especially for Hakimi.Thus, the conclusion that can be drawn in the end is that in the process of revolutionary struggles, the political behavior of separatists in practice, from isolation to participation in political struggles and in the theoretical field has included lack of interest in revolution and participation in politics.

In the continuation of his intellectual project, which was inspired by Martin Heidegger, Henry Corbin paid attention to the wisdom and philosophy of Islam, especially Shiism in Iran, and in this direction, in addition to pursuing his ontological concerns, in reviving and introducing Sources, as well as their interpretation, took a lot of effort. Corbin’s focus on the secret aspects and the esoteric interpretation of the above-mentioned teachings, especially in the realm of illumination, led to the prominence of certain spiritual aspects, including the World of Idea and Metahistory. At the same time, by rejecting any affiliation of these teachings with social and political affairs, Corbin takes a practically even negative position on politics. His focus is not only on non-political aspects, but on several occasions he ignores the inevitable political solidarity in this tradition of thought that has emerged in history and therefore politics in his system is a subordinate, sub-marginal situation. He does not recognize the need for a connection between political success and the flourishing of spiritual themes and concepts. In fact, despite his attention to the phenomenological approach, Corbin avoids considering some of the Iranian and Shiite teachings as they have emerged in social and political affairs.

Today, terrorism is one of the most important issues for nations and governments in the world. Although certain parts of the world are more affected by this phenomenon than the others, its prevalence has almost become a security concern in most contemporary societies. We are witnessing efforts by the United Nations to counter the growth and activities of terrorist groups, especially as the crisis of terrorism became more of a threat to global security with the rise of ISIS and its transnational actions. This article through analytical and descriptive methods and by using library and website resources seeks to answer the question of what resolutions the United Nations has adopted against the terrorist group ISIL. The novelty of this study is that, unlike previous studies that have dealt with the Iraq-Syria crisis and the role of the United Nations during it, it intends to address only the issue of UN resolutions on ISIL in a coherent manner. The research findings show that since 2014 up until 2021, resolutions 2169, 2170, 2178, 2199, 2347, 2249 and 2462 are the most important UN resolutions adopted against ISIL. Resolution 2169 on the identification of ISIL as a terrorist group, Resolution 2170 on the dissolution of ISIL, Resolution 2178 on the recruitment of foreign fighters to ISIL, Resolution 2199 on the prohibition of buying and trading in oil and gas, antiques and historical objects with terrorists, Resolution 2347 on the Security Council Regarding the protection of the common heritage of humanity and cultural heritage, Resolution 2249 to destroy ISIL sanctuaries in Iraq and Syria, and finally Resolution 2462 on the fight against terrorism and the financing of terrorism; all were adopted to contain the activities of this terrorist organization

The connection of history with the “now” has been emphasized in various theories, especially in recent times. Accordingly, just as the past affects the present, so can the present affect our understanding of the past. In history, especially from the point of view of the subaltern and the oppressed, the situation is not a special and exceptional situation rather than it is a permanent rule throughout history. In his works, especially in his theses on history, Walter Benjamin refers to the continuation of the historical situation of the suffering and while emphasizing the most objective aspects of the suffering of the oppressed in history, thinks on the possibility of liberation from the status quo based on the emergence of the Messianic moment. This aspect of Benjamin's thought has been highlighted in various overt and covert later approaches such as Subaltern history, postcolonial studies, and alternatve history, and has been the source of new reflections on the approach to history. One of the most prominent aspects of Benjamin's view is the critique of the idea of ​​progress in history which in his view is derived from the philosophy of the conquerors of history. However, the situation of the defeated in history is a sign of their continued suffering.

State nationalism in the time of Mohammad Reza Shah needed political and cultural measures. The main question of this research is what were the components of nationalism in the time of Mohammad Reza Shah? The method of this research is descriptive-analytical. The results of the research show that the emphasis on components such as royal imagery of the common sense of the king, promoting a sense of patriotism, strengthening and inducing ancient teachings, spreading Persian language and literature, live Preserving the ancient music of Iran, strengthening national unity, magnifying the actions of the Shah, strengthening national identity and Iranian nationalism, had created a corridor between the Shah and the people to strengthen and perpetuate the rule of Mohammad Reza Shah.

Max Scheler while examining the relationship between human cognition and social contexts along with real and concrete matters, has also considered the ideal elements and values ​​in his analysis and among these, one of his main goals in combining sociological topics with philosophical themes have been to achieve a comprehensive knowledge of man. Despite acknowledging the influence of social factors, Scheler considers the principle of thought to be an independent category that cannot be reduced entirely to the external factors. This is an important point of Scheler, because, he does not make the development of knowledge dependent only on the influence of historical and social conditions, but also on human characteristics. In his view, in a comprehensive view of man, in addition to reason, his emotional and value aspects should also be considered. In this paper, by analyzing Scheler’s phenomenological approach, including in the field of ethics, tries to show how he, by combining different fields, has gone beyond the usual dichotomies and developed the sociology of knowledge. The findings of this process indicate that the whole of Scheler’s intellectual project is an attempt to integrate and accompany areas of human knowledge that at first seems contradictory and cannot be summed up, but with a comprehensive view of man and society.

With the severance of ties between Saudi Arabia and several countries in the region with Qatar in 2017, the Persian Gulf region entered a complex political crisis. Analysts cite several reasons for the crisis; In the meantime, these measures seem to be, above all, the result of Doha's success in its foreign policy and its emergence as an important regional player alongside traditional Middle Eastern actor. In response to the question of how Qatar's use of soft power in foreign policy has affected the formation of the Gulf crisis, in this article we found that the Qatar government has been using soft power as an effective tool of politics since 2011. It is independent of the traditional powers of the region.Qatar is one of the countries that has been able to increase its importance and influence from a small country and a particle to an active level in the region and even effective participation in international coalitions in recent years, especially after 2011, and has played a role beyond its position and capacity, It has been able to play an active role at the regional level while ensuring its security and stability. The extent of events in the geographical area of ​​the region indicates the influence of Qatar's foreign policy. In fact, given the inherent vulnerability of this country, including low population and manpower, small size and small Gulf countries under the protection of Saudi Arabia and its two strengths, namely wealth and media, we can say that this country has been able to achieve many successes. In recent years. In the last decade, Qatar has been able to make good use of its soft power components, such as funding, powerful tools of Al Jazeera television, active public diplomacy and strong ties with world powers, and despite its power constraints, it has emerged as a major regional player.. Of course, this active presence in regional crises and trends has also caused problems for this country, such as the severance of political relations and economic sanctions by several Arab countries in the region in 2017, which is referred to as the Persian Gulf crisis. According to many experts, the crisis in Qatar's relations with these countries is the result of its success in foreign policy and its transformation into an influential actor alongside other traditional actors in the region, including Saudi Arabia and the Foreign policy in which soft power is one of the most important tools. The question is, what tools and capacities does Qatar use to benefit from soft power? And what effect does Qatar's success have in using soft power tools which created a crisis in its relations with other Arab countries in the region? In this research, by descriptive-analytical method and with the assumption that Qatar accurately and calculated use of soft power tools, as one of the main reasons for the success of the country's foreign policy and consequently one of the main differences in Doha's relations with Riyadh and other Arab countries sanctioning Doha, let us analyze the reasons for the formation of these differences. It is important to answer this question in the light of the fact that research on the crisis in Saudi-Qatari relations has so far failed to address the extent to which Qatar enjoys soft power and its impact on the formation and intensification of the crisis.According to Joseph Nye, soft power has always been an important element of leadership. Leadership is intertwined with power, and leaders must have accurate estimates of the types of power they use. "Power has never been created from barrels of gunpowder," says Nye, a leader who ignores the importance of soft power. For a country like Qatar with low hardware capabilities, because of its small size and population, using soft power tools is the best choice to advance foreign policy. In general, the security forces, the traditional and great powers of the region, which themselves are competing with other great regional and supra-regional powers in order to advance the goals of national foreign policy, do not accept the presence of emerging powers. Qatar's entry into regional games, especially after the Islamic Awakening, and its success in advancing its goals through tools such as active diplomacy, the use of media, alliances with regional and supra-regional opposition poles, and financial support for opposition groups in any case. With the foreign policy of the traditional powers in the region, caused tensions between the country and Saudi Arabia. Of course, what happened in the form of the severance of relations between Saudi Arabia and several Arab countries with Qatar in 2017 was, above all, due to the ideological divide between the Salafis and the Brotherhood between the two countries. The division, which has manifested itself in the form of financial and media support, especially after 2011 in Qatar's support for Hamas in Gaza, Morsi in Egypt, pro-Turkish armed groups in Syria and Libya. Tensions that escalated into a political and economic crisis on the part of Saudi Arabia and several other countries eventually led to the severance of diplomatic relations. Investigating the causes of the crisis in Qatar-Saudi Arabia relations, some of which are referred to as the Persian Gulf earthquake, as well as looking at the conditions that these countries have set for the lifting of sanctions against Qatar, confirms well that Saudi Arabia wants to cut off soft power. Qatar is thereby removing the country from the regional equation as an emerging rival. This is primarily due to Qatar's success in using soft power tools to make it an important player in the tense Middle East region, as well as the importance of soft power as a powerful and effective tool in foreign policy, away from traditional power principles such as military sophistication and Shows large crowds.

The wars between Iran and Russia in nineteenth century, are an important historical milestone  which made Iranians aware of their backwardness. The most important way to deal with this situation, was to obtain the democratic achievements of the modern western civilization and the transition from authoritarian government to a law abiding and obligated government. Of course, the background of Iranian ,s awareness of the consequences of modern civilization and especially idea of ​​constitutionalism, goes back to earlier times. The Study of Persian logbooks of India, although not published in Iran and apparently had no direct effect on the political awakening of the elites and the masses of Iranian people in the years leading up to constitutionalism, shows that India under British colonization and works of those Iranians who were living there, were important sources for Iranians to know modern civilization including British constitutionalism. And what was the connection between the rule of constitutional system and the progress of the country and the welfare and comfort of the people? The following article try to answer the question that what was the understanding of authors of the three logbooks, Shegarfnamey-E Velayat by Etesam al-Din, Tohfatolalam by Abdul Latif Shushtari and Masir -E Talebi by Mirza Aboutalebkhan, from British constitutionalism and what was the connection between the rule of constitutional system with the progress of the country and the welfare of the people. Thus, the purpose of this article is to show that before the Iran-Russia wars and the Iranians awareness of their backwardness, a kind of attention to the progress and reflection of the idea of ​​constitutionalism and the necessity of its establishment in Islamic countries, especially Iran, in the works of Persian writers in India can be found. The three mentioned logbooks can be considered as the first narrators of the idea of ​​constitutionalism in Persian. An important features of these writings is that they did not see the issue of progress and constitutionalism in the West, including Britain, only in terms of concepts such as their degeneration or backwardness. And so their main content is a sign of the mentality confrontation of some Iranians with the developments of the modern world which focuses more on institutional differences and current procedures, rather than on understanding its intellectual and thought-provoking foundations. Therefore, understanding the contents of these logbooks is important and necessary for the analysis of the process that the Iranians mind and thought has started in the face of the new civilization and the way it has passed. 

The research method of the present article is descriptive-analytical in order to focus on the texts of these logbooks and understanding the issue and their concern to explain the perspectives of the authors of these works about the evolution of modern world and in particular the narrative of British constitutionalism and survey the comparative study between Islamic and Eastern countries especially Iran with the developments and events of the modern world from the perspective of the authors of these logbooks.In this regard, the method of collecting information, is library method and based on the text of the three mentioned logbooks, with the emphasis on clarifying the desired intellectual principles by the authors of the logbooks, which is specifically based on their descriptive discourses which is done according to the British constitutional rules and regulations.

 Among the three case study logbooks despite some commonalities, Including in view of the achievements of the new world there are also differences, especially with the British Constitutionalism. Etesam Al-Din describes constitutionalism with traditional literature and concepts, and states that the king's authority, separation of powers, and the legal and democratic exercise of power are the main features of the British political system. Also Mirza Aboutaleb pays special attention to the customary nature of the laws and the separation of religion from politics in Britain. (Isfahani, ibid:251). Compared to the other two authors, and despite the fact that Shushtari did not see Britain and its political institutions, including the parliament directly and closely, he pays more attention to the British constitutional achievements and using them for Iran. On the one hand, he attributes the creation of constitutionalism to the eradication of the influence and authority of the Roman Church and British religious independence, as well as the involvement of natural and Western philosophers (Shushtari:254-251). On the other hand, there is a direct relationship between the establishment of constitutionalism and the progress and power of Britain and the welfare of the people and the provision of the rights of the British people (ibid: 259, 277-276, 284). In this way, he criticizes the authoritarian system of Iran and considers the rule of constitutionalism as a condition for Iran's progress and its empowerment (ibid:339). 

Although the understanding of these logbooks from constitutionalism was not based on analysis of the theoretical foundations of modern European political thought and none of them had a clear discourse on the advancement of Muslims or Iranians, but they reflected some aspects of the way which Muslims and Iranians confront with the manifestations of modern European civilization. And for the first time, some modern institutions, as well as the content of some modern concepts, are presented to their audience. It seems that in addition to their traditional affiliations in not presenting a positive and specific account of British constitutionalism, such as being likely to be the headline of the Iranian people and officials, their political attitudes and dependence on the institutions of power in India, including the British has also been so effective that it has even created a kind of empathetic view to the British in a significant part of these works. Also, the authors of three mentioned logbooks were not yet in the reactionary and helpless atmosphere caused by Iran's defeat of Russia and the pressure of the modern civilization, and therefore it is natural that such logbooks should not have been written with the concern of progress and within the framework or under the influence of the discourse of progressivism and modernity and with the knowledge of the foundations of modern European political thought. In their point of view, the West, including the United Kingdom, was not seen as the only model for progressing to be compared with Iran's degeneration and backwardness. Therefore, they can be considered as narrators who, before proposing the idea of ​​degeneration and backwardness of Iran and forming the concern for progress, presented a narrative of the British constitutionalism. This shortcoming does not necessarily diminish the importance of these texts, and the value of the narration of this group of travel writers should not be overlooked. The acquaintance with their point of view, and of course the attention to the logic of subsequent developments, points out that the issue of Iranian backwardness was largely raised over time, especially through the observation of inefficiencies and failures such as Iran's defeat by Russia. And apparently those inside Iran became more central to those who were in areas such as India. In addition, a significant portion of Iranians who later became acquainted with the developments of the modern world gradually found a greater tendency to understand the normative nature of thought contained in the text of modern developments. What was almost absent in the eyes of travel writers in Inida, who were mostly political officials, that they were more concerned with the hard-line and institutional dimensions of change. In addition of some factors like the lack of translation and publication of logbooks at that time in Iran or the locative and temporal distance, perhaps this is the difference in perspective that makes it impossible to speak directly and positively influence of this group of Indian Iranians on Iranian constitutionalism. However, these texts show some marks of the first encounters of the Iranian thought with new developments. Perhaps these works can be considered conceptually and theoretically in the interval between the creation of astonishment, such as those who were later encountered to it such as Mirza Abolhassan Khan Ilchi, and the beginning of reflections on the kind of question that Abbas Mirza asked why this is our situation, and what should be done?

Recently, some factors, especially economic crisis, have made it possible to criticize the policies of the ruling parties, making their policies deficiency and magnifying the current situation and chanting slogans about the unequal distribution of resources, indigenous people or the destruction of national resources. Right-wing parties have achieved remarkable success in elections by linking economic problems to foreigners, including political and economic institutions or immigrants, as well as government policy. The present article in a descriptive and analytical way, while paying attention to the role of economic crisis in the formation of far right in Hungary, believes that economic crisis in far right thinking is based on contexts beyond the economy and specifically is intensified by identical and cultural elements. In the other words, in the study and analysis of far-right, it should be noted that trends such as EU policy, including the imposition of economic austerity policies, guidelines on immigration and the implementation of specific policies by previous governments, are largely catalyzing and accelerating about the long term crisis. Therefore, some traces of fascist and monopolistic tendencies emerge in such currents, having nationalist origin, are extremely prone to become totalitarian and antagonistic currents. Using the Copenhagen School and in particular emphasizing the security of affairs in this approach, the current study aims to show how extreme right currents, including Hungary, draw a special situation of foreigners and immigrants to show various economic, social and cultural affairs as political issues.