سعید وثوقی

As the largest greenhouse gases producer of the world, China decides to reduce fossil fuel consumption to zero by 2060. This behavior on the part of China seems a little unexpected because this country usually prefers the economic growth achieved in the light of fossil fuel consumption over issues such as environmental protection. Therefore, the question is raised, basically, what factor or factors have made China move towards complying with international norms, including the Paris Climate Agreement? The hypothesis of the article, which has been examined in a descriptive-analytical way, is that although various factors may be involved in China's desire to preserve the environment and adhere to environmental agreements, China's effort to gain a hegemonic position in the international system is an important factor. In order to achieve this position, China is trying to show a positive image of itself in the world as a responsible actor and in this way, gain credit for itself and direct the attention of the world community to itself. The findings of the research also showed that Beijing, following the point of view that compliance with international norms can help to gain a hegemonic position, intends to show a positive image of itself by joining the environmental protocols and draw the attention of countries to gain the role of world leadership.As the largest greenhouse gases producer of the world, China decides to reduce fossil fuel consumption to zero by 2060. This behavior on the part of China seems a little unexpected because this country usually prefers the economic growth achieved in the light of fossil fuel consumption over issues such as environmental protection. Therefore, the question is raised, basically, what factor or factors have made China move towards complying with international norms, including the Paris Climate Agreement? The hypothesis of the article, which has been examined in a descriptive-analytical way, is that although various factors may be involved in China's desire to preserve the environment and adhere to environmental agreements, China's effort to gain a hegemonic position in the international system is an important factor. In order to achieve this position, China is trying to show a positive image of itself in the world as a responsible actor and in this way, gain credit for itself and direct the attention of the world community to itself. The findings of the research also showed that Beijing, following the point of view that compliance with international norms can help to gain a hegemonic position, intends to show a positive image of itself by joining the environmental protocols and draw the attention of countries to gain the role of world leadership.

China's foreign policy, as one of the emerging powers of the international system, is affected by several factors. Different theoretical approaches have studied some decision-making components in China's foreign, but what has been neglected is the role of China's political identity in shaping the foreign policy of this country. China, by combining its identity values from the past to the present, tries to pursue a peaceful rise strategy in accordance with contemporary identity norms in the international system and not to reintroduce its power base as a disruptive player in the current situation. China's macro narrative of self and other was developed based on ancient and modern identity foundations. Therefore, the foundation of China's foreign policy is social identity and collective identity. China is trying to apply adaptability and flexibility to its international identity and system in its foreign policy behavior. China's macro narrative of self and other was developed based on ancient and modern identity foundations. Therefore, the foundation of China's foreign policy is social identity and collective identity. China is trying to apply its foreign policy based on adaptability and flexibility to the identity and international system. This article answers the question of what impact the identity components of China's foreign policy have had on its political behavior towards the Islamic Republic of Iran from 2000 to 2022? In response to this question, based on the descriptive-analytical method and using the holistic constructivist theory, it is hypothesized that changes in China's foreign policy identity towards Islamic Republic of Iran have led to its foreign policy being regulated based on peaceful economic development and playing a role as a peace-loving trade actor

Russia-US security rivalry is growing sharply in areas such as Eastern Europe (Ukraine crisis), the Middle East (Syria crisis). The Middle East region has become a priority in Russia's foreign policy since 2015 with the serious Russian military presence in Syria. The main question of the present study is what effect has the security rivalry between Russia and the United States in the Middle East had on the security order in the Middle East? The research hypothesis is that the Middle East, especially the Persian Gulf, has a special place in the US security strategy. Russia's efforts to infiltrate the region over the past two decades have intensified US-Russian security rivalries, pushing security arrangements in the region toward a multipolar (balanced / unbalanced) order. Using the theoretical framework of Mersheimer's aggressive realism, the security rivalry between Russia and the United States in the Middle East was examined. The data collection method is library and the research method is analytical. The findings of the study suggest that Russia's re-entry into the Middle East has intensified US-Russian security competition, leading to a shift in security arrangements in the Middle East toward an unbalanced multipolar order.

Energy security is a high priority for Germany as an industrialized country and any disruption in this issue will severely damage the country's economic strength and security. Russia's conflicts with Eastern European states, the European Union and NATO since the collapse of the Soviet Union have made it clear to Germany that energy security is fragile given the high potential for conflict between the two sides. Therefore, in response to the concern that in case of any disruption in the transmission of Russian natural gas by the countries of Ukraine, Belarus and Poland to the countries of the European Union, how to supply the energy needed by the members of this union caused the German government to sign the Nord Stream 2 project with Russia despite serious opposition of some members of the European Union and the United States. This project is supposed to transfer Russian gas through the Baltic Sea from the port city of Ust-Luga to the port city of Greifswald in Germany through two pipelines for a distance of more than 1200 km. The capacity of these pipelines is about 55 billion cubic meters of gas per year. This pipeline, along with the Nord Stream 1 pipeline alone, can supply 110 billion cubic meters of gas needed by Europe, which constitutes a large part of Europe's gas imports from Russia. The Nord Stream 2 project, which was halted and ultimately sanctioned due to Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, was supposed to transport Russian gas directly to Germany without any intermediaries but due to the impact it could have on the security and interests of some members of the European Union and the United States, it caused us to see conflicts of interest between some European Union countries with Germany and Russia, Germany and the United States, and between Russia and the United States.Research Question: What is the reason for the support of Germany and Russia, as well as the opposition of some members of the European Union and the United States to the Nord Stream 2 project?Research Hypothesis: The research hypothesis is based on the different effects that the Nord Stream 2 project can have on the interests and security of Germany, Russia, some members of the European Union and the United States which has caused the support of Germany, Russia and also the opposition of some members of the European Union and the United States to the Nord Stream 2 project.

To answer the research question and test the hypothesis, the authors have used the qualitative method of multiple case studies to analyze the impact of the Nord Stream 2 project on the national security and interests of Germany, Russia, the United States and some members of the European Union. The data collection was also done in a library method and documents were collected as one of the methods of information collection and they were monitored using multiple case studies. In this way, at first the data was collected by referring to the sources related to the topic using note-taking tools and then the collected data was analyzed with a descriptive-analytical approach in the conceptual framework of Neo-realism theory and in this way, it has been tried to test the research hypothesis and answer the research question.

The results obtained from this article indicate that ensuring Germany's energy security in light of Russia's conflicts with the countries of the Eastern European region, the European Union and NATO, promoting Germany's centrality in the field of energy and converting it into a political and economic center of energy in the European Union, Stabilizing Germany's position and political and economic influence in Russia and eliminating fluctuations in the final gas transit price is one of the main reasons for Germany's support for this project. Diversification of energy transfer policy from Russia to Europe due to the high capacity of non-transit energy transfer from third countries to Germany, gain enormous revenues from gas exports in light of Russia's dependence on oil and gas revenues and the Provide Russia with a powerful tool to counter the anti-Russian policies of Eastern European countries, as well as the United States and Western institutions are the main reasons of Russian’s support for the Nord Stream 2project.On the other hand, the European Union's greater dependence on Russian energy, concern about Russia's instrumental use of this project, deprivation of income from gas transit, ignoring the essential role of Poland and Ukraine in transferring Russian gas to Europe and removing their leverage over Russia, the impact of this project on the US sanctions and goals against Russia and the economic interests of this country in the European energy market is the main reason why some members of the European Union, especially Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the United States, oppose the Nord Stream 2 project.

In this article, using the propositions of the neorealist approach, we examined the interests of Germany, Russia, the European Union, and the United States in relation to the Nord Stream 2 project and the reasons for their support and opposition to this project. According to Neo-realist statements, due to the anarchic structure of the international system, governments seek to increase their power in various ways to achieve their national interests. At the top of national interests is survival and security and any strategy that can achieve this in the best way will be the priority of countries' foreign policy. Therefore, according to the results of this article, countries such as Germany, Russia, some members of the European Union and the United States have a realistic view of the Nord Stream 2 project and considering the effects that this project can have on the security and national interests of these countries, Germany and Russia have supported this project and some members of the European Union and the United States have opposed it.

The Middle East and North Africa are located in the warm and dry belt of the planet and despite living, about 7% of the world's population has less than one and a half percent of the freshwater of the planet. This region is facing two crises entitled: 1. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and 2. The other is the water crisis. The element of water has always been an important, strategic and influential factor in the political equations of the Middle East, and in this regard, the United Nations has referred to the water crisis in the Middle East as "silent ISIS". The purpose of this study was to investigate the aims, methods and consequences of ISIL's instrumental use of water in Iraq and Syria. The central question raised in this article is: What role did the element of water play in the establishment, consolidation and consolidation of ISIL? In answer to this question and as a research hypothesis, it should be stated: It seems that ISIL has used water as a tool for land development, extortion, extortion, and monetization. The findings of the article indicate that water is a tool and weapon in the hands of ISIL to fulfill its strategic goals, which is the survival, consolidation and consolidation of its government, and has objectified the concept of "hydro-terrorism" through conventional and unconventional use of water. Used in this article is descriptive-analytical and library tools, documents and Internet resources have been used to collect data.

The United States has played a complex and ambiguous role in European Union -Russia security relations since the end of the Cold War, especially under Obama and Trump. The United States is implicitly interfering in European Union -Russia security relations. Tensions and cooperation between the United States and Russia have had a significant impact on the European Union -Russia Security Challenges. The main question of the forthcoming research is how and by what mechanism has the United States influenced the European Union -Russia Security Challenges in the last two decades? The answer is that the United States is engaged in a Hybrid wafare with Russia, and has used the tools of Hybrid wafarefare to perpetuate and deepen the European Union -Russia Security Challenges (Ukraine crisis, EU enlargement and NATO enlargement). The method of the present study is documentary and data has been collected from related articles and books and has examined and analyzed the role of the United States in the European Union -Russia Security Challenges using the Theoretical framework of hybrid warfare Cullen & Kjennerud. The findings of the study suggest that the United States is continuing to contain Russia, using the tools of Hybrid wafarefare (intelligence, economic, political, military, and civilian) in the European Union -Russia Security Challenges (Ukraine crisis, EU enlargement, and NATO expansion) and the deepening of these challenges has had an impact. The most important US tools in the Hybrid wafare with Russia are intelligence, political and economic tools.

recognition his behavior, action and decision making. In fact, although many factors influence a leader's understanding and decision-making process, personal construction undoubtedly have a unique role in the process of understanding, value, and beliefs. Therefore, understanding the representation of the Iranian nuclear case and the decision-making model of this representation would be incomplete without recognizing the personality structure of the leaders in foreign policy. Based on this same issue, the main focus of this article is to identify the influence of Ahmadinejad's personality construction on the path of nuclear confrontation with the West as the opposite. According to this, the question of this article is that, how did Ahmadinejad's personal construction influences the formation and then influences the modeling of the nuclear case? Qualitative research findings in the framework of George Kelly's theory and then applying these findings to the quantitative test, shows that the role of Ahmadinejad's personal construction, while substantially influencing the nuclear case, represents it as a security-identity issue and, accordingly, forms the psychological-value decision based on five principles of construction, dichotomy, choice, modulation, and sociality served as the model of choice. The research method is qualitative and statistical, descriptive and survey (questionnaire).

Gaining political independence and sovereignty, at the end of the unification process, confronted Germany with new foreign policy challenges. On the other hand, The Russian Federation, as the successor to the collapsed empire of the Soviet Union, seeks to limit the damages caused by this collapse by creating new structures in its foreign policy strategies at the regional and global levels. Meanwhile, Central Asia has become an important area for the activation of regional and trans-regional powers , due to the political and geographical situation created after the demise of the bipolar system, because it is rich in huge hydrocarbon resources. Thus, Germany and Russia have defined broad interests for themselves due to reasons such as the membership of the Central Asian republics in the former Soviet Union, as well as the presence of German and Russian minorities in the region that has changed the nature of relations between the two countries in the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union and Germany. Therefore, this article intends to ask the question, with a descriptive-analytical method and based on the theoretical framework of constructivism, whether the relationship between Germany and the Russian Federation in Central Asia is cooperative or competitive in nature? The results of this article indicate that the relations between the two countries, despite their ups and downs and the lack of trust between the two sides, had a cooperative and stable nature in the Central Asian region and commercial, economic, and energy priorities are at the core of these relationships.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and achievement of independence by the 15 breakaway republics, the security interests of the I.R. Iran in Central Asia and the South Caucasus was changed. The I.R. Iran could secure its security interests in the region by expanding its relations and cooperation with the newly independent republics. One of the important independent republics was the Republic of Azerbaijan, which because of its neighborhood plays a strategic role in the I.R. Iran''s security interests. Despite the strong historical, religious, civilizational and cultural ties of the Republic of Azerbaijan with the territory of Iran, its relations with the I.R. Iran in the post-independence era were more on the axis of divergence than on the axis of convergence. In this divergence, the role of identity concepts seems to be very important. This study is going to answer this key question that what was the effects of the concepts of identity on the relationship between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the I.R. Iran? The study show that the concepts of identity such as: the construction of Azeri identity confrontations with Persia promoted by the political elites of the Republic of Azerbaijan, secularism against Islamism at the domestic level of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the different perceptions and approaches of the two governments at the regional level and the international system have influenced the divergence of the Republic of Azerbaijan with the I.R. Iran. Those concepts direct the republic of Azerbaijan to choose deferent sovereignty system and develop its relations with the countries that their attendance in the region threaten the Islamic Republic of Iran’s security. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and Internet resources.

About 80 countries with over 1.1 billion populations don’t have regular access to healthy freshwater resources. According to Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development findings (OECD), due to the excessive usage and climate changes, lots of freshwater resources will be disappeared by 2030; therefore over 3.9 billion people all over the world will face a fresh water shortage. Lack of water resources will cause political, social and economic crisis and will also result in extensive migrations and finally triggers regional conflicts. One outcome of the colonization of tsarism and then the Soviet era was destroying natural infrastructures including water resources (e.g. drying the Aral Sea), creating marginal areas, and making Central Asian countries a single product economy. The single product agricultural industry in the Central Asian socialist economy completely depends on the irrigation system. To irrigate cotton planting farms in Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan, more than 90 percent of existing water supplies being used. This amount becomes more catastrophic where in some areas, about 10.000 cubic meters of water were used for every hectare of the cotton farm. After the independence, this competition continued between 5 Central Asian countries. Increasing cotton production in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan made these two countries pioneers in the world. Between 2004-2005, these two countries accounted for 65 percent of the world’s cotton production. This policy in the agriculture industry results in severe depletion of farms, excessive use of chemical fertilizer as well as a reduction in cotton production in the last ten years, so this reduction in addition to population growth, makes these 5 Central Asian countries import food products. Decreasing freshwater quality, increasing the amount of salt in the soil, and farms salinity along with fast population growth were some causes of appearing marginal areas in Central Asian countries. Marginal areas because of the lack of social, educational, healthy, and cultural services and facilities are a place for future crises. Based on the World Council’s estimates about International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) studies, Central Asia is among areas that are severely affected by water shortages; the drying of the Aral Sea was a disaster and some parts of Central Asia were depopulated. Based on World Bank predictions, water shortages in this area will reach 25 to 30 percent by 2050 and it is also predicted that the population of Central Asia will increase to 90 million. It shows that we should expect a different crisis in Central Asia in which the results will be expanded all over the area including the Middle East, Europe and Central Asia. On the other hand, the area is located at the crossroads of international interests in the new geopolitical and geo-economic conditions which were created in the last decade of the twentieth century. From then on, it has highlighted the importance of this region in political stability and global security. In new conditions, Germany was always trying to find a suitable place to increase its economic and political presence in the region. At the beginning of 1990’s, political leaders of Germany showed some signs of independence of action in foreign policy by adopting a multilateral policy in the international system and gradually approaching other centers of powers; to this end, areas such as Central Asia became a place to show the power and the economic, commercial and almost political presence of Germany. On the other hand, political and security conditions in Afghanistan and their effect on multiple crises in Central Asia as well as conflicts among Ukraine and Russia and its effect on the gas transmission to Europe increased the importance of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. Germany as the biggest industrial unit in the European Union is the most important exporter of technology and industrial goods. Because of the dilapidated economic and production structure left from the Soviet Union, Central Asian countries have the potential needs to accept technology and Germany’s investment in different sectors. Therefore, during years after independence, Germany tried to take advantage of these needs and increase its share. But Central Asian countries tend to face the crisis due to different factors including extremism, terrorism, drug trafficking, poverty, unemployment, extensive addiction, tribalism, the unfinished process of state-nation building in these countries, fragile security and educational structures (intelligence Police), low legitimate governments based in Central Asia, the intervention of regional and trans-regional countries including Russia, China and United States and the most important factor water storages. A crisis that if remains pervasive, will not only have social, political, economic and environmental consequences in Central Asia but also leads to the growth of extremism, terrorism, increased drug trafficking, disruption in energy flow and migration to Europe. Also, it poses a serious threat to Germany’s interests, especially its economic interests in the region. Therefore, Central Asia and countries within its sphere became of strategic importance to Germany in various ways, including in diversifying energy demands, economic, trade, security and cultural resources after the end of the cold war. So, all these factors have caused concern in German Foreign policy and this country has tried different measures to manage water resources. According to the aforementioned items, by using a descriptive-analytical method based on the theoretical framework of neoliberalism institutionalism, this paper seeks to investigate German measures to manage water resources in Central Asia and prevent political and social crisis caused by lack of sustainable management in the field of vital water resources in Central Asia. The results of this paper show that despite obstacles such as lack of mutual trust between the governments, the dominance of some Central Asian countries, low level of cooperation between 5 countries of the region concerning water resources management, and a series of structural problems, Germany has been able to work through multilateral cooperation between institutions and scientific centers and carry out important and significant measures, both technical and academic. Data collection in this article is based on library methods.

Countries Economic dependency on fossil fuels caused to increasingly demand for stable supply of oil and natural gas. Therefore, energy pipelines are acquiring increasingly greater significance as the most stable supply method. Despite the limited extent of south Caucasus, it Considered as an important region for the energy transition. by taking geo-restrictions into account, the pipelines of the region should transfer from neighbor areas to reach the Consumption markets. Turkey by optimal use from a mentioned condition not only has become a transit country but also has supplied domestic consumption as well. This naturally begs the following question. What is Turkey's placement in Geopolitics of energy at the south Caucasus? and what is the implication of this situation for Iran? By applying the concepts of "Energy Hub Country" and " Energy Transit Country" has argued that Turkey is a transit country for the Caucasus. the initiative of energy transition from turkey without the participation of Iran caused to reduce Tehran Influence in compression with Ankara, Especially in Economic arena. This assumption is examined by applying the framework of geopolitics of energy and neorealism theory in International relations. This study used descriptive analytical method.

The fResearchers involved in foreign policy analysis have expressed their duty to improve foreign policy decision-making. In order to help improve foreign policy decision-making, the authors attempted to pathologize the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Republic of Tajikistan. Swot and Pestel's analysis of the issue shows that Iran's foreign policy has been influenced by domestic weaknesses and environmental opportunities and challenges, and during the period that has elapsed between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Tajik Republic, Iran's foreign policy The country has been most affected by Tajik internal weaknesses and threats to the external environment. It has been important to ask why Iran's foreign policy strategies in the Republic of Tajikistan have not been successful and dynamic. To address the research question, the hypothesis is as follows: The Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy strategy in Tajikistan, irrespective of long-term and future research goals, influenced by domestic weaknesses and challenges It has been a failed and passive environment. The theoretical framework of the research was a conceptual design using two strategic management models (Swot and Pestel) and a futuristic approach (scenario-building), qualitative and explanatory research and data collection using library-documentary and internet tools.

Influential factors and their impact on Iran's Nuclear approach during different periods, were numerous and it has been a fundamental difference. However, the two variables of the individual and the structure always and at all periods the inevitable impact has been on Iran's approach. Because the relationship between these two variables could be exacerbating or facilitating conditions for solving the dispute provided. In this regard, the behavioral, verbal, and action symptoms Discourse Neo-Fundamentalist show the conflict between the two variables in the nuclear dispute. So based on the assumption that the conflict between the two individual variables and structure, The question is that: The contrast between the individual variables and structure in the Discourse Neo-Fundamentalist has affected on the Decision-Making strategies of the Nuclear Case? According to Rosenau model and descriptive-analytical methods, research results have shown that the conflict between these two variables has led to Sideline of Cost- benefit analysis and hence the priority of Decision - Making based on psychological - value strategies.

Some theorists believe that with continued growth in China's power, its security rivalry with the United States of America will inevitably increase, with potential for war between them. Theorists argue that by further empowerment of China and the erosion of the global power and position of the United States, China will try to use its growing influence to re-establish the rules, orders and institutions of the international system in order to secure the benefits of this. It will benefit the country and will make other states, especially the United States, consider China a serious security threat. As a result, global politics will see tension, distrust, and permanent conflict between established and emerging powers for the management of the international system. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the impact of China's increased power on Asia's supreme power in the international system. The question that arises is: What influence does China have on the relations and the rivalry of this emerging power with America? In response to the above question, using the descriptive-analytical method and the theoretical framework of structural realism, it is hypothesized that China's empowerment and its efforts to acquire a greater role in the management of the regional and international system, the field of the rivalry between China and the United States provides a threat to America's hegemony; therefore, the United States will strive to control power and control the growth of China's power. Issues such as China's proliferation of weapons and military development, hegemony in eastern and southeastern Asia, the Taiwan issue, and the North Korean crisis have created areas of competition between China and the United States, which will ultimately lead to more conflicts and contrast of interest between the two powers.

The Issue of Takfir has been in the thick of basic axes of conflict and violence among various nations and religions in the long run of the time. In the current critical period, this issue has affected the whole world of Islam and therefore grown in importance. The current research is an attempt to answer this basic question that what is the role of Takfiri movement in divergence of thought and belief in the world of Islam. Accordingly the hypothesis formulated is that Takfiri movement adopts a negative attitude toward Islamic sects and makes extremist sectarian divisions aimed at creation and expansion of divergence in the level of thought and belief in the world of Islam. Developing awareness of this issue opens up the possibility to offset the threatening role of Takfiri movement in creation of divergence and change it into an opportunity of convergence in the world of Islam. To this aim, the current research has first introduced and explained Takfiri movement (dependent variable) in the level of thoughts and beliefs and then contrasted components and indices of this movement with those of convergence in the world of Islam which counterbalances the role of the movement in creation of divergence. The research findings shows that in the level of thoughts and beliefs the movement adopts some components including unconventional discretion, failure in innovatory and dynamic thinking, Takfir of religions and religious dissidents, superficiality and externalism, blind bias and dogmatism, absolute obedience to the predecessors and schismatic understanding of religious beliefs and concepts which cause divergence and are in sharp contrast with those of convergence in the world of Islam such rule-governedness, intellectualism, firm belief in nearness of religions and creation of Islamic nation, profound thinking and comprehensive look toward religion, flexibility and moderateness, foresight and emphasis on joint religious aspects.

The relation and the position of the two components of "security" and "development" play an important role in understanding and analyzing of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article seeks to prove that "the essence of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and its reflection in the periphery of Iran has provided securitization’s bases for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has challenged the development of the country itself". Iran's lack of development can also endanger the security of the country in the long run. "Developmental state" is a necessary and indispensable need for the Iranian society, because in this country, the development process has been delayed very much and its current trend is slow. If Iran and the Islamic system intend to guarantee their life in the future, they must undoubtedly be on the path to sustainable development. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and using the library tool.

The factors and pillars of establishing the relationships between Iran and Pakistan and its nature as being challenging or not have been the basis of the different regional orientations of each of these two countries toward each other. Influential parameter and factors such as Iran-Arab relations in the Persian Gulf, the issue of terrorist groups living in Pakistan, the Syrian-Yemen issue, the Arab Spring, and relations with India, etc. The same factors have created a structure and security orientation of the foreign policy of the two countries. Despite the security structure of Iran and Pakistan's foreign policy toward each other, the two countries have never led to struggle, and both Iran and Pakistan have tried to balance their relationship. According to the current research, the most important factor in the balance of relations between Iran and Pakistan, despite the prospect of foreign security policy, is the compulsion of geopolitical and neighboring issues of the two sides. Accordingly, the present paper presents the question of what is the basis of Iran-Pakistan relations? In response to this question, the basic hypothesis is that Iran-Pakistan relations are based on securitization in foreign policies of both countries, and the most important factor of stabilizing in relations between them is the geopolitical and neighboring necessities, which is like a counterweight between the two sides which prevents direct and radical clashes and forces them to respect each other's legitimate interests.

In the last decade, the world and regional great power has started taking more notice of Central Asia. Interests and actions of these international actors have led to the formation of a competitive environment that Referred to as the new great game. The competitive environment resulting from The performance of internal and external mechanisms in central Asia . In this competitive environment, Kazakhstan is among the countries that could by use of balanced approach gain Benefits from this competitive environment. Given the importance of Kazakhstan in Central Asia, Other countries to play a role in Central Asia should cooperate with Kazakhstan.
The aim of this study is to analyze the characteristics of Kazakhstan's foreign policy and the platforms that this foreign policy can provide to further cooperation between Iran and China in Central Asia. The main question of study is: What are the main features of Kazakhstan's foreign policy and these features how can affect the expansion of relations between Iran and China in Central Asia?
Findings of study show that, realism, non-ideological, and the priority of economy is main feature of Kazakhstan foreign policy since Independence in central Asia. Due to these factors, security, energy and transportation is a three context that Kazakhstan could improve further cooperation between Iran and china in central Asia.
The research method is descriptive-analytic.

There has been a significant relationship between the rise and fall of the Iranian Nuclear Case and the Role-based Identity in the discourse of the dominant foreign policy. The formation of this identity, influenced by both the internal level, especially the mental constructs, individual, value, and psychological characteristics of foreign policy agents as well as on the outside level. From this perspective, the components of Ahmadinejad discourse's identity affected by internal norms and their relation with the structure of the international system, representation of the Nuclear Case in a format appropriate to its identity, and then the representation of the strategy guide for decision-making Nuclear Case. Accordingly, the primary goal of the current study is to answer this question: How the role-based identity in Ahmadinejad discourse represents Nuclear Case and strategies for making decision are advised? According to constructivism and descriptive-analytical methods, research results have shown that Nuclear Case was introduced as an ontological security issue during Ahmadinejad presidency and based on the psychological and value approach of cybernetic strategies and prospects for decision making about it.

Realism and English School from the main schools in international relation history and maintained their place in international relation study. in attendance to role of theories in understanding of international phenomenones, it is necessary to have a complete and precise view about them. So in this article first we have some explain about Realism and English School then four concept "Int. system", "balance of power", "Int. law", "Int. institutions", are choicen because of their significance in Int. relations study. Then the viewpoint and definition of both theory about concepts are analyzing and their accordance are evaluate. In the result of this comparison, compatibility of two schools is evaluated and analyzed. The out comes of this research shows that two schools have a similar point to four concepts. So against of current viewpoint about English School as a viamedia, this school both in goal and basis is more similar to Realism.

Making a good relationship between east neighbors of Iran i.e. Pakistan, has always been a concern of officials and policy makers in Iran. Iran as the neighbor of Pakistan with a great geopolitical status and considering its geostrategic characteristics is an important country in the region; it has a special place in Pakistan's foreign policy and national security. However, the important point is that in the recent years, bilateral relations in Balochistan region have faced some challenges. The study seeks to invistigate security threats in Balochistan region and its effects on Iran-Pakistan relations, based on security implications of Copenhagen School. The main question of this research is that, with regard to the security implications of the Copenhagen School, what obstacles can be involved in the relations between the two countries? The main hypothesis of this study is that Balochistan region is threatening the security of the two countries, in the military, political, economic, and social spheres. Hence, here is an analysis of the threats of the Balochistan region and its impact on the relations between Iran and Pakistan, based on Copenhagen school.

The signing of JCPOA to address international concerns about Iran’s nuclear program has led to bullish predictions about the future of Sino-Iranian relations.In this regard, the main question is based on the assumption that the nuclear agreement between Iran and China involves what dimensions and features? Is the atmosphere after the agreement has led to the promotion of relations between the two countries will be the strategic level and will the JCPOA facilitate strategic relations in some areas? In response to the broader issue of nuclear deal in the name of international legitimacy and the development of bilateral relations between Iran and China are considering that involves mutual interest, regional and international. Second, this involves creating a new order in the relations between the two countries with a set of opportunities and agreements, will only strengthen bilateral relations, and this does not necessarily mean a strategic alliance. Therefore, the two will remain constrained by several obstacles. Iran’s need to balance its relations with China, due to differences in priorities and differences in needs between the two countries, It is essential policies and expectations Islamic Republic of Iran in accordance with the level of strategic partnership set of decisions go beyond this and to avoid a strategic alliance

The evolution of technology and then the change in the analytical skills of individuals have brought the world to a new era. On the one hand, the emergence of issues such as new actors and new wars that cannot be explained within the framework of the state-driven paradigm theory and, on the other hand, Repeating these transformations as a model that surpasses them from a mere maladjustment has doubled the tendency for theorizing to understand these issues. ISIL is an example of these developments. The purpose of this article is to investigate new ISIL-centered wars in light of the views expressed about these wars. That the formation of the actor is limited to religious extremism will not provide much knowledge of the state of the new era. This paper, by descriptive-analytical method, seeks to answer the question of how the new era has helped shape ISIS-led new wars. With the change in the nature of power, the new era has led to the formation of a kind of war that is different from intergovernmental wars. Hence, this article, while analyzing the status of the ISIL group, concludes that ISIS is the result of these new conditions, and these wars seem to be the future crisis of the Middle East.