سید محمود علوی

Water is an element whose presence is necessary for economic development, food production, improvement of living standards and health, survival of living organisms, etc. Lack of access to fresh water endangers food security and social and economic well-being. As one of the dry and semi-arid countries of the world in the Middle East region, Iran is one of the countries facing water shortage. Due to the rapid growth of the urban population, the quantitative and physical growth of industries, industrialization, and traditional agriculture that consumes a lot of water in Iran has created many hydro-political and environmental challenges. Being located in the arid and semi-arid region of the south of the country, Bushehr province receives a large part of its water needs from the water resources of the neighboring provinces of Fars, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad, with successive droughts and little and irregular rainfall, thus it is facing a water challenge. Due to the existing conditions and the reduction of water resources in the neighboring provinces, there is a possibility of water cuts and conflicts, and hydro-political tensions within and outside the province. The lack of water, in addition to its effect on economic security and the creation of local and regional tensions, has faced a problem in the development process of this province and has led to the emergence of various insecurities in the province. It is predicted that if this trend continues, the province will face more hydro-political challenges in the future. The present study aims to present a fitting model of hydro-political challenges surrounding the economic security of Bushehr province. This research seeks to answer the question: Is the empirically reproduced pattern of hydro political challenges surrounding the economic security of Bushehr province adequate?

In terms of the purpose, the present research is applied in terms of exploratory nature and in terms of mixed data, which means that in the qualitative phase of the research, semi-structured interviews with experts in the field of water and political geography, as well as indirect observation (reading of texts) were used. In the quantitative phase of the research, a survey study was used to collect data. Then, based on the organized themes of the qualitative phase, a researcher-made questionnaire was designed in the form of a five-point Likert scale, and after validation and reliability, 165 experts in the field of water and political geography of Bushehr province were selected using the multi-stage cluster sampling method. completed Finally, after coding, the research data were extracted and tested and interpreted using SPSS26 and Smart PLS statistical software in two sections, descriptive analysis and inferential analysis.

The findings of the research have been made in two parts, qualitative and quantitative. In the qualitative part, after analyzing the texts and semi-structured interviews with experts in the field of water and political geography, they have been analyzed, after the discovery and calculation of the conceptual model of the components of the hydropolitical challenges of Bushehr province, as well as the economic security indicators of Bushehr province, have been drawn. In the quantitative part, the data obtained from the questionnaire resulting from the qualitative phase of the research, which were distributed among the experts of the investigated organizations in Bushehr province; After coding, they were extracted and transferred to SPSS26 and Smart PLS software and analyzed and interpreted in two parts: descriptive analysis and inferential analysis. The independent variable of hydropolitical challenges of Bushehr province with 45.466 (with a test average or cut-off line of 36) and the dependent variable of economic security indicators with 80.392 (with a test average or cut-off line of 63) is above the average level, and therefore it indicates that The amount of hydropolitical challenges in Bushehr province is relatively high; Because this rate is higher than the standard level determined based on the total number of measured questions. The second and third hypotheses of the research have been confirmed at the error level of 0.01. But the first hypothesis considering that the T test value is below 1.96; Not confirmed.

The descriptive findings of the research show that the independent variable of the hydropolitical challenges of  Bushehr province is the average of 45.466 and its dimensions include extra-provincial hydropolitical challenges with an average of 6.406 and intra-provincial hydropolitical challenges with an average of 39.060 and the dependent variable of economic security indicators with an average of 80.3925 in the studied statistical population are higher than the test average or the cut-off line. Therefore, they are not in a favorable situation, because their level is higher than the standard level determined based on the total number of questions measured by the variables. The inferential findings of the research also show; the first hypothesis of the research "there is a significant effect between extra-provincial hydropolitical challenges and the economic security of the province" according to its T value of 0.848 is less than 1.96 and its significance level is greater than 0.05, so this hypothesis is rejected. The second hypothesis of the research "there is a significant effect between hydropolitical challenges within the province and the economic security of the province" its T value is 3.220 which is greater than 2.58. Therefore, its significance level is smaller than 0.01. As a result, the second hypothesis is confirmed. The third hypothesis of the research "there is a significant effect between extra-provincial hydropolitical challenges and intra-provincial hydropolitical challenges" and its T value is equal to 3.04, which shows that its significance level is smaller than 0.01. As a result, the third hypothesis is also confirmed. Therefore, according to the goodness of fit of this model, which is equal to 0.198, the general hypothesis of the research that the model of the effect of the hydropolitical challenges of Bushehr province on the economic prosperity of the province has the required fit, is confirmed.

Based on the arid and semi-arid region of the south of the country, Bushehr province receives a large part of its water needs from the water resources of the neighboring provinces of Fars, Kohgiluyeh, and Boyer Ahmad, with successive droughts and little and irregular rainfall; thus it is facing a water challenge. Due to the existing conditions and the reduction of water resources in the neighboring provinces, there is a possibility of water cuts, conflicts, and hydropolitical tensions. Lack of water, in addition to its effect on economic security and creating local and regional tensions, the development process of this province faces a problem. It is expected that if this trend continues, the province will face more hydropolitical challenges in the future. The current research aims to explain and evaluate the hydropolitical challenges of Bushehr province and its effect on the economic security of the province. This research seeks to answer the following question:-What are the hydropolitical challenges of Bushehr province and what is its effect on the economic security of the province? 

In terms of the purpose, the present research is applied in terms of exploratory nature and in terms of mixed data, which means that in the qualitative phase of the research, semi-structured interviews with experts in the field of water and political geography, as well as indirect observation (reading of texts), were used. In the quantitative phase of the research, a survey study was used to collect data. Then, based on the organized themes of the qualitative phase, a researcher-made questionnaire was designed in the form of a five-point Likert scale, and after validation and reliability, 165 experts in the field of water and political geography of Bushehr province were selected using the multi-stage cluster sampling method. Completed Finally, after coding, extracting and using SPSS26 and Smart-PLS statistical software, the research data were tested and interpreted in two sections: descriptive and inferential. 

The research findings have been made in two parts as qualitative and quantitative. In the qualitative part, after reviewing the texts and semi-structured interviews with experts in the field of water and political geography, they have been analyzed. After discovering and enumerating, the conceptual model of Bushehr province's hydropolitical challenges and economic security of Bushehr province has been drawn. In the quantitative section, after coding, the data obtained from the questionnaire were extracted and transferred to SPSS26 and Smart-PLS software and were analyzed and interpreted in two parts: descriptive analysis and inferential analysis. The independent variable of hydropolitical challenges of Bushehr province is above the average level with 45.466 (with a test average or cut-off line of 36), and the dependent variable of economic security with 80.392 (with a test average or cut-off line of 63). Therefore, it indicates that the amount of hydropolitical challenges in Bushehr province is relatively high because this rate is higher than the standard level determined based on the total number of questions. The second and third hypotheses of the research have been confirmed at the error level of 0.01. However, the first hypothesis has not been confirmed, considering that the T test value is below 1.96. 

The descriptive findings of the research show that the independent variable of Bushehr province's hydropolitical challenges with an average of 45.466, and its dimensions include extra-provincial hydropolitical challenges with an average of 6.406 and intra-provincial hydropolitical challenges with an average of 39.060 and the dependent variable of economic security with an average of 80.3925 in the statistical population under investigation is above the test average or the cut-off line. Therefore, they are not in a favorable situation because their level is higher than the standard level determined based on the total number of questions measured by the variables. The inferential findings of the research also show the first hypothesis of the research, "There is a significant effect between extra-provincial hydropolitical challenges and the economic security of the province," according to the T value of 0.848 is less than 1.96 and its significance level is more significant than 0.05. As a result, this hypothesis is rejected. The second hypothesis of the research, "there is a significant effect between intra-provincial hydropolitical challenges and economic security of the province," its T value is 3.220, which is greater than 2.58. Therefore, its significance level is smaller than 0.01. As a result, the second hypothesis is confirmed. The third hypothesis of the research, "there is a significant effect between extra-provincial hydropolitical challenges and intra-provincial hydropolitical challenges," its T value is equal to 3.04, which shows that its significance level is smaller than 0.01. As a result, the third hypothesis is also confirmed. According to the findings obtained from the evaluation of the research model, the research's general hypothesis that Bushehr's hydropolitical challenges affect the economic security of the province is confirmed. 

There is no funding support. Authors’ ContributionAuthors contributed equally to the conceptualization and writing of the article. All of the authors approved thecontent of the manuscript and agreed on all aspects of the work declaration of competing interest none. Conflict of InterestAuthors declared no conflict of interest. Acknowledgments We are grateful to all the scientific consultants of this paper.

Privacy is one of citizenship rights and human beings cannot merely ignore having privacy because of social life. Some think the right to privacy has been created by conventions on human rights; but indeed Islamic teachings have posed the necessity of protecting privacy and not violating human's personal territory centuries ago, and defended it on the basis of sound bases. Because many current disputes on public rights go back to disagreement on defining human beings and its innate and non-innate traits, so one cannot realize and analyze rights based on Islamic teachings without knowing human beings with regard to the same teachings. This research has analyzed quranic verses and traditions through analytic descriptive method, and concluded that Islam's take on privacy is intertwined with its emphasis on spirituality, inherent integrity and his choice to have a private life.

Self-determination is a civil right held by some people to have been brought for people by human right conventions. Since rights based on Islamic doctrines cannot be understood and analyzed without an account of the human nature implied by these doctrines, it can be claimed that the Imāmī school of thought recognizes the right for self-determination as an undeniable right of people given its characterizations of the human. In this paper, we consider and analyze Quranic verses and Imāmī hadiths concerning the human nature, and then conclude that Imāmī humanological principles, including axiological and theoretical principles, demonstrate the self-determination right for all humans. As suggested by the Imāmīyya, the human choice is a theoretical humanological ground for the right for self-determination. Humans choose their fate, and are responsible for their choice. The human intrinsic dignity, as an axiological humanological principle, establishes the self-determination right for individual citizens in virtue of their humanness and regardless of their interior and exterior properties. Another axiological principle establishing the right for self-determination is the human place as God’s successor.

The time and place mean the requirements of time and place and issues, developments, circumstances, and conditions that take place in time and place. This meaning has been emphasized in hadiths as well. Time and space play a decisive role in the enforcement of hadd, so in the event of an interference of the expediency of the enforcement of hadd with a more meaningful expediency, hadd may be suspended temporarily or be enforced in a different way.
Reviewing of hadiths as one of the sources of inference of judgments is important in this discussion. For example, delaying the execution of hadd for a pregnant or sick convict, the perpetrator’s taking refuge in a holy shrine, warming and cooling of the air, woman being in menstrual period, and non-enforcement of hadd in such cases as the enemy's land, hadd in case of the people of the book, the urgency, amnesty of criminals in war times, amnesty of unmarried women, hadd in famine year, and change in the quality of execution of hadd for a diseased person, the case where it is expedient to expedite enforcement of hadd. In this paper, the role of time and place and discussion of expediency in hadd punishments is considered in terms of delaying, stopping and changing the quality of the execution according to the hadiths and opinions of the jurists, and it is concluded that it is necessary to consider in case of hadd the expedience and to observe the requirements of time, place and persons.

Given the efforts made by the Law-giver in legislating punishment laws and the comparison between Islam and other schools which have laid down penal laws, one can say that the issues such as ‘preventing commission of a crime’, ‘correctional programs’, ‘administering justice’ and ‘satisfaction of a victim or injured party’ are based on the appropriate penal policies and in line with the religious teachings of Islam. These can be said to be the most important objectives of the penal system governing punishment laws. Islamic penal policies and the relevant rulings are based on and determined by the interests and corruptions which they may have. ‘Interest’ or ‘common good’ is a widely-used concept in the Islamic jurisprudence and the ‘Principles’ signifying any act which bring about material or spiritual benefits for individuals and society as a whole. No doubt, divine punishments have been laid down according to the common interests of the Muslim community. The aim of implementing the rulings is to arrive at publicinterests, including self-interest and the interests of religion, reason, female family members and property. These interests are not restrictive. It seems that nowadays a Muslim ruler is entitled not to implement certain punishment laws with recourse to secondary rules and the principle of expediency and even he can replace them with some new ones. For, if a law is laid down for a criminal act and is not implemented for some reason, it will lose its declarative property. In case the implementation of an Islamic law brings about a corruption (mafsadah), in reality, it has lost its consideration of public interest – even within a short time – and thus one has to consider public interests with respect to the punishment laws and requirements of time and place.

One of the ways to expand cooperation in today's world is Convergence with the model of regionalism. At the regional and global existing order, each country's national security comes more easily through the efforts of the government and people to obtain and increase national wealth than through efforts to build and collecting hardware facilities and create an atmosphere of insecurity and fear and threat. Historically, from the early seventeenth century, to pursue any conflict that occurring in Europe, Scientific and instrumental elites raised convergence in various forms, including the creation of a federation for peace. Since then it has also been considered international cooperation and convergence by countries and global powers. Although the Cold War era had put regional cooperation and integration as a function of the relationship between the two dominant poles in the world, but this was not prevent the formation of regional integration and successful experiences in this regard in the eighties and regionalism and regional cooperation in international relations became a substantial and stable principle for all countries around the world. The supporters of regionalism say: the homogeneities of the political, cultural, social, economic and geographical along with the other components of unifying, it's possible for Independent governments in the region- even to the extent of a continent-wide- that benefit from its spiritual and material resources with suitable cooperation. The main research method for the importance of subject in the current situation is descriptive analytical, while enjoying compared in a large scale. It has been trying to use the library data, including the important and reliable internal and external resources in the knowledge of international relations, political science, political Geography, political economy and political history of Iran to prove the approach of this paper, and it is also taken the point of views of experts in this field to strengthen the scientific reasoning. According to Karl Deutsch the process of integration in a regional organization is like an assembly line which was shaped during history. This process has a central core, that Includes one or more of the larger political unit, more advanced, more developed and more powerful.The political and economic capabilities are decisive for integration, and its responsive and compatibility to the needs and values of smaller units is necessary to maintain integration. New regionalism, especially after promising movements of European Union was invigorated to this mutation from the nineties. At first European countries which were in the new conditions, began integration process. Then this process was created in Latin America, Southeast Asia and Africa. Regionalism in the parts of non-European, third world and developing countries, did not the nature and objectives of the integration process in Europe. Even integration in the Asia-Pacific region has not been as well as integration model in Europe. So that, there is not capacity and necessary political will for a deeper integration and political unity in any of these areas.During this period, Iran has been able to establish eco-regional organization in cooperation with Turkey and Pakistan but this organization has not been able to achieve economic, political and security aims. We review this issue briefly. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Iran, Turkey and Pakistan, who are members of the ECO Treaty tried to affix former member states of this Union and current member of the CIS to this Treaty and were able to increase the number of countries to ten members. However, despite the importance of more than before regional cooperation in the past decade, ECO Economic Cooperation Treaty with ten members can register much success in its repertoire Yet. In fact, from a critical perspective, Iran, Turkey and Pakistan are the most powerful eco members, everyone follow its own especial programs. More, Turkey sees itself as a European country and all its political and economic power were used for membership in Europe Union. On the other hand, Pakistan has also a look at its economic relations with East and West, and to equip its economic resources for coordination with the international economy is more important to strengthen cooperation with Echo. Regionalism in International Politics refers to the development of economic cooperation, political and cultural ties between governments and other actors geographic areas. Basically region is defined as the combination of geographical proximity, the high degree of interaction, institutional framework and a common cultural identity. Accordingly, the Islamic Republic of Iran as an important and influential country in the regional strategic with the end of the war, especially with the rise of the construction government so far, although there has been some ups and downs, but always with the approach of regionalism and regional cooperation and benefiting from capacity and international organizations, has been attention to this important issue. Despite these efforts in their desired goals of regionalism approach cannot take required advantage. Because Iran because of its geopolitical situation, including is Located at between the crises of Iraq and Afghanistan, and neighborhood to the focus of the Persian Gulf crisis, Caucasus and Central Asia, South Asia (India and Pakistan) and a major player in Lebanon challenges and Syria crisis, in every possible way with regional and international security issues is in direct contact. The Islamic Republic of Iran has spent all its efforts and activities in political life for the defense of political independence and to maintain axial discourse. Hence it can be said; it is only political unit in the Middle East that the beginning is a security unit, then a political unit, and at the end is a mineral, commercial and economic unit. It seems until it cannot introduce itself like the most influential countries in the world as an actor by trade and economic approach in the issue of regionalism (at least the first step in changing the approach and announcement and executive policies) significant results will not achieve.

A non-Muslim citizen is a member of the Muslim community, who despite holding non-Muslim beliefs has the right to participate actively in promoting the affairs of his community and enjoy individual, civil, political, social and religious rights. Based on the prior literature of jurisprudence, non-Muslims by accepting the treaty of ahl al-ḏhimmah can be citizens of the Islamic community and sponsored by the Islamic government. In Islamic law, restrictions are mentioned about the religious freedoms of non-Muslim citizens in an Islamic state, on the expression of religious rituals and promoting it, setting up a house of worship, repairing and renewing the ruined temples. In addition to explaining the religious rights of non-Muslim citizens, it strives to mention the above restrictions and explains the limitations of such laws that have been variable and the basis of all these constraints is interest.

This article seeks to explicate the nature of governmental rules. Hence, to define the concepts used in the article, the writer, in the first place, tries to give the literal meaning or definition of rules, government, and ruler. In the second place, in order to arrive at an all-embracing definition, he embark on giving the definitions offered by the contemporary Muslim jurisprudents and scholars for such rules and, in the third place, he puts forward various views on the nature of the governmental rules stating that these rules are not the same sort the primary real rules and secondary rules are thought to be. For, the primary and secondary rules have been directly extracted from the legal texts and are based on the essential good and badness of the rules themselves, while the governmental rules are subject to the urgent demands of the time and the place as well as the expediency or the conditions an Islamic judge should take into consideration, though this may not be substantiated by any stipulated legal texts. Furthermore, taking these governmental rules as being as transient as the secondary rules, which are subject to the expediencies or demands of the time and the place, in the sense that when there is no necessity for their existence, there would be no ground to act according to them, gives no reason to take the governmental rules as secondary rules and since it is the Saint Legislator who authenticates the governmental rules, one should consider these rules as part of legal rules (prescripts) and study them as the third sort of legal rules

There is no doubt for the effects of mass media whether oral, written and audio in different spheres such as public opinion and culture of society.Unlimited field of media activities caused disadvantages and difficulties for individuals and society. Extra limitation also violates free and logical flow of information and their useful efficiency. Therefore legislating that considers fair rights of media and also signifies the responsibility, infractions and their compensation is undeniable necessity. The results have been numerous legislations and continues changes which knowing them seems fruitful for media staff and other people.

According to review of recent developments in both fields of macroeconomic and banking in Iran, and their assuring effects on economy's recession cycle and rising bank's non-performing loans (NPLs), the ground for the formation of hypothesis tried to examine in this paper is set: "Bank's NPLs are fostered by real sector developments through deterioration of the balance sheets of companies and non-financial firms following financial and real assets price bubble burst". In order to test the hypothesis, the theoretical literature relating to balance sheet approach (firm's and bank's balance sheets) has been reviewed. Our findings indicate that decline in the aggregate demand for loans and the formation of a recession cycle in recent years, especially after 1387, have raised firm's default risk. The phenomena happened following the assets market drop off, especially the real estate market; fall in the bank's lending real rate; and the inappropriate price setting of domestic and foreign services in favor of more imports. These have caused banks to directly suffer from credit risk and NPLs. The most important politic recommendation is financial capital injection to banks without the fiscal stimulus of government and encouragement of aggregate demand by utilization of proper fiscal policy. During recession, since expansionary monetary policies have less affects on demand encouragement, emphasis on discretionary monetary expansion only causes financial and economic instability, resulting in inflation in further economic cycles. Reconstruction of firm's and bank's financial structure could be a major medium-term mean requiring the restructuring of economy's financial structure.

The role of jurisprudential rules in the thought and power of inference of the jurisprudent is an undeniable fact. Despite attempts made in this field thus far, it is still necessary to discuss variousaspects of this problem to prepare the grounds for the introduction of a new discipline in Islamic studies. The present paper is an attempt to study the differences between the rules of jurisprudence and rules of principles of jurisprudence from the viewpoints of jurisprudents,specially those of Imam Khomeini.