فهرست مطالب سیده آمنه میرخوشخو

Throughout history, the Islamic world has witnessed various approaches to women's issues. Although the religion of Islam presented a new and progressive attitude towards women and their rights, during the period of the Islamic caliphate and the spread of Sunni jurisprudence, Muslim women in Islamic societies deviated from the original teachings of Islam. Most of these views were formed under the influence of the cultural atmosphere of Islamic societies in the era after the Prophet and during the middle centuries. However, the attitude of Sunni scholars and elders, along with their interpretation of religious sources, confirmed that practice. In the last hundred years, there has been an evolution of socio-political jurisprudence in women's issues by religious scholars, according to the neo-Salafi attitudes in Islamic matters. The turning point in the new approaches of Sunni scholars in the field of women is the opinion of Yusuf Qaradawi, who explains contemporary issues in the Islamic world from a new perspective by emphasizing al-Maqasidi jurisprudence. In this article, we will examine Qaradawi's contributions to women's social and political engagement, specifically exploring his views on hijab, social involvement(education and employment), and political participation. We will compare his jurisprudential perspectives with those of Salaf scholars. The main question is how the jurisprudence of Al-Maqasid has influenced the approach of Sunni religious scholars to women's issues. Through analytical-descriptive methods and the utilization of library resources, we demonstrate that Qaradawi employed a strategy  to emancipatewomen from entrenched traditions and integrate them into the socio-political sphere. This approach considers both the objectives of Sharia and the safeguarding of public interests.

One of the ways to conduction the experiences and skills of political activities in different generations is to be aware of the lived experiences of politicians. The experience of politician acting is differentiated according to the type of political system in each society because the institutional, legal and organizational structures of political systems and on the other hand cultural, historical, religious and mentality characteristics affect the methods of political acting, rules and also its results and achievements. Political education is important as the first and main step for politician activities; So that the types of political education have a great impact on the characteristics of political action which the most important place for it to appear is in political competition. In this paper, using semi-structured interviews and qualitative data analysis and coding by Juliet Corbin and Anselm Strauss method was extracted the central categories of the two concepts of political education and political competition and they were studied in relation to the lived experiences of Iranian women politicians. A total of three models, Follower political education, Combative political education, Citizenship political education was conceptualized and two models of political competition studied in Hidden type and Competition in political authority. Finally, the relationship between political education models and the type of political competition was summarized and analyzed.

Investigating the obstacles and limitations of women's activity in the management at the macro-level of the country is one of the most important components in increasing women's participation in decision-making and policy-making. The main question is "What factors and characteristics cause the current exclusion of women in policy making?" In response to this question, several researches investigated the current situation of women's presence in government institutions and the three powers, especially the cabinet (council of ministers) and the Islamic Parliament). But the generality of these studies have not been able to reveal the impact of political trends with regard to the political structure of the country and the complexity of its political and cultural aspects due to focusing too much on identifying the obstacles of "the moment of women's entry" into major political positions. The present study examines the causes and factors affecting the limitations of women's activism after entering and assuming the political management of macro levels, in two political spectrums, reformist and fundamentalist. To clarify the matter, this study used the views and opinions of women who had direct experience of being in political management positions, including Cabinet (the council of ministers) and Islamic Parliament of Iran. The factors and limitations of political-managerial activism were identified and explained by adopting the semi-structured interview method and qualitative data analysis through thematic analysis.The limitations and obstacles of political management, according to the direct experience of political elite women, include a wide range of structural, cultural, political, social, and religious limitations, which refer to Intra-sex, extra-sex, and trans-sex restrictions. As explained in this article, these limitations are: Multiplicity of roles, women's social passivity, not welcoming women's capabilities, lack of education or professional political experience, lack of holistic attitude, psychological weaknesses, formal appointment of women, weakness in culturalization in the family, lack of access to support networks, glass ceiling, high cost of paying to women's issues, the masculinity of the power structure, limited communication with other male colleagues, the influence of ideological and combative dimensions, the connection of women's issues with religion, security and data information, intra-gender conflicts, lack of staffing and finally political factional competitions.The different reception of women in two political spectrums is one of the most important points of difference among the participants in identifying the limitations and facing the obstacles of political activism during tenure. Fundamentalist participants believe that generally the limitations and obstacles to women's political management are an intra-gender issue, and women are fully responsible for it. There is no need to condemn the society or political-cultural structures, what is important is the lack of necessary will, the lack of professional training in politics, the inability to manage the conflict of roles and a set of psychological-functional characteristics in women. Therefore, women themselves should be able to overcome these obstacles and limitations that are sometimes self-imposed limitations.While, according to the reformist participants, identifying the limitations and obstacles of women's activism remains incomplete without emphasizing the role of the cultural and social structures of the society and the hidden patriarchy in it. From this point of view, extra-sex factors and male structures play a stronger role in creating restrictions on women's political management compared to intra-sex issues. As seen, these factors include a wide range of issues, such as masculinity as the basis of valuations, lack of an informal power network, glass ceiling, refusal to accept positions, severe withholding of information and imbalance in women's issues.According to the results of the qualitative analysis extracted from the semi-structured interview data of 6 women politicians at the macro levels of political management, despite the difference in political attitudes, it is possible to find commonalities between women politicians on both sides of reformism and fundamentalism. The most important thing in common, from the point of view of the participants of the two political spectrums, is the small number of women in the major positions of political management, who seem to have mostly a symbolic presence. It often happens that the main stream of politics is interested in these women with the aim of their theatrical or instrumental presence. At this level of political management, the minimal presence of women can be a tool for political spectrums to advance political goals. Also, the symbolic presence of women at macro levels may end up in a way that ultimately prevents the realization of women's requests and demands. Perhaps it is a form of removing the responsibility from men of the political spectrum so that they don't spend time and money to respond to women's demands, and consider these demands mainly as demands within the women's group or gender demands specific to women, and not as demands arising from the society that They need planning, decision-making and policy making. In such a situation, the lack of familiarity of female managers with the obstacles and limitations in macro-political management reduces the possibility of conscious action and independent action from the political values of the two ruling factions. Therefore, intensifying the political differences of women, the political elite spends time and energy on political goals, which will not bring useful results for correct identification, reforming the relevant affairs, follow-up and resolution of women's issues.

Postmodernism, with its introduction in the last few decades, has expanded a lot extensive philosophical, ideological and aesthetic discussions and questions. One of the serious questions is interested by many social sciences and political theory thinkers, it is the relation between postmodernism as a school of art and aesthetic that emerged after modernism and the political. According to the postmodern thinkers’ views, this article to fallow the question, whether Unlike Kant, who had spoken about independence and non-objective art, we can speak about political aesthetics and political possibilities of art in the current situation? In order to answer these questions, the authors have drawn some concepts to prove their claim of art politicization and post-modern political aesthetic pattern. These concepts include: the consumptionism in late capitalism, critique of minority policy and political aesthetic in postcolonial discourse. This article has been written by descriptive analysis and has used the critical theory framework of thinkers such as Lyotard, Friedrich Jameson and Michel Foucault.

Category of development considered as one of the most important mental and practical preoccupations in the developing countries. Goals or plans of development have indented to create a better life for the members of thirdworld society under the title of plans and samples of development. In the years after the second world war of 1960s Development imagined as the biggest and greatest goal of modernization for non-westerners. After a while and with the negative results of its application, development faced with criticisms theoretically and practically. In years after 1990, critics attacked the “goals” of development from the philosophical and theoretical learnings of post-moderns. In this essay authors also tried to analyze the change of conceptional "Development" to consider it within the post-modern discourse and to study the epistemology of development in the theoretical field of postmodernism.

Media-Islam: Media Approach towards Islam within the framework id Post-colonialism Theory of Edward Saeed. Although the Post-colonialism Theory has its roots in the thoughts of famous scholars such as Gandhi, Régis Debray, and Frantz Fanon, yet it was Edward Saeed the Palestinian scholar who opened a new chapter in this field. It was in this context that a new reading of relations between Islam and West was created in the light of Post-colonialism Theory. This issue was specially important for the third world countries which were newly released from direct colonialism. In parallel with the decline of ideologies in general and Communism in particular, the low-level movements and the minorities made new attempt to secure a the place an position they assume they deserve. It was in this context that political and cultural theory borrowing from post-modern and post-Structural discourse encountered a serious transformation. It is the assumption of this paper that a major part of the western dominance in cultural sphere is due to the media-system. It will be shown in this article that how the media is virtually talking on behalf of Islam. Answering this question that "who are the producing the so called real discourse oh behalf od Muslim World" the idea of Media-Islam will be analyzed. The methodology used in this article is that of Descriptive-analytical and it had the Post-Colonialism as its theoretical framework.