فهرست مطالب عباسعلی رضائی نیا

A part of the identity and culture of the people of Iran has been preserved in the framework of native and local games. In Iran land, many local and diverse sports are performed in various ceremonies. Among these games that have gained a national aspect in Iranian culture is the game of polo, which has been passed down from one generation to the next and continues to exist. Polo has a high place in Iranian culture and has gone beyond a mere game and is connected with the value and intellectual system of Iranian society. Our understanding of the polo game relies more on historical texts, literature, and artifacts. But the gap that can be seen in this field is the examination of the phenomena and evidence of polo games from the perspective of intangible cultural heritage. Therefore, the purpose of the present article is to know the place, importance, and explanation of the polo match as one of the components of identity in the culture of Iranian people with a descriptive-analytical method. In order to achieve this goal, the game of polo has been considered in various fields of oral traditions, social customs, and performing arts. First, the toponyms that are connected with polo have been checked. Then, the evidence of playing polo among native and local games has been discussed. And it tried to identify the signs of polo and to express its similarities and differences among different regions. The result of the research showed that the polo game was customary not only among the nobles and elders but also among the ordinary people of Iran. Eleven places related to polo, as well as holding it in different regions of Iran, both on horseback and on foot, are a sign of people's deep connection with this game. The polo match has played an effective role not only as a national game but also as an efficient cultural element in the cultural and social life of Iranian society.This game has reflected the attitudes of Iranians in people's lives and has contributed to the continuity of their cultural traditions.

The cultural life of Iranian society has been linked to various kinds of celebrations and festivals which have formed Iranian identity throughout the history. Social customs and traditions are intangible assets of cultural heritage, along which carry logical reasons and deep meanings. The ritual of Samanu cooking is one of these intangible cultural legacies, which also has a particular place in Iranian culture. Samanu is one of the famous foods made of germinated wheat and water. Samanu tastes sweet, and its color is dark brown. The taste of it is quite natural. According to Iranian beliefs, Samanu is the symbol of blessing, fertility, and strength; thus, it is one of the main items included in Nowruz Haft-Sin as well as in religious offerings. The cooking ritual of Samanu is held variously in different parts of Iran. Preparing and cooking Samanu is a long and hard process and done in different ways. The present article has explained the way this ritual is held in Kashan through a descriptive-analytical method. By examining the process and traditions of this ritual, the social and religious functions of Samanu have also been discussed. The results of this study have shown that Samanu cooking is an old tradition among the people of Kashan and has had a strong effect on their beliefs so much so that they have placed Samanu as a symbol of blessing in Nowruz Haft-Sin and in their religious offerings to Fatima, The daughter of Prophet Mohammad.

In the Iranian drink culture, coffee is one of the imported drinks that has gradually gained especial status in Iranian culture and has acquired an Iranian flavor. The tradition of drinking coffee in Iran probably goes back to the Safavid era. This hot beverage gradually became popular and reached out of the courts and the upper classes of society to ordinary people; thus in different regions of Iran was produced in various ways.  Noushabad coffee has a different especial cooking style and It takes a long time to make it. Noushabad as a historical city is located in margin of the central desert of Iran and in the central part of Aran/Bidgol province. This coffee is thick and sweet, with rose-water, cardamom and cinnamon aroma. People who attend various ceremonies such as  Moharram mourning and funerals are served with this coffee in husseiniyehs, mosques and homes. Drinking coffee by Noushabad people is still a living tradition in the cultural life of the people of the region. This paper attempts to explain the status of Noushabad coffee in its historical, cultural and social aspects with a descriptive-analytic method. To achieve this goal, while describing the method of cooking, its religious, cultural and social functions among this people have been expressed. According to The findings, Noushabad coffee plays an important roles in strengthening the social ties and the cultural and religious identities of  this  people.

According to archeological sources, there was religious diversity in the Parthian period. The Parthian kingdom made it possible for various religious followers to practice their religious rites and ceremonies freely throughout Parthian empire. As a result, due to the various ethnic and religious groups, different methods were created in the construction of tomb buildings. The construction of the tomb as a kind of memorial structural design has always attracted the attention of the elite of the society. Burial buildings were a reflection of the power of the deceased in the political, religious, economic and social structures of society. This type of building has always been respected and sanctified by the people, and through its connection with the identity roots of the society, it led to the formation and development of the architectural traditions of the tomb throughout history.The purpose of this article is to understand the architectural style of Parthian tombs in terms of structure, decoration, typology of tomb architecture of this period and finally, to understand the innovation and continuity of cultural and artistic traditions in the construction of tombs. The authors use the descriptive-analytical method of Parthian tomb buildings. They argue that in the Parthian empire, the construction can be into two types based on physical characteristics (crypt) and man-made (construction). The architectural style of Parthian tombs shows the continuity of the tomb architectural traditions of this period.

Our knowledge of the seals of the early centuries of Islamic Iran in Iran is very little. So far, limited traces of these seals have been found in archeological excavations in sites such as Neyshābūr, Siraf and Kangavar. Also, a small number of these seals are in museums and private collections. One of the valuable collections of seals of the early centuries of Islam is kept in the National Museum of Iran, which have not been studied so far. Therefore, studying the seals in the National Museum can partially compensate for the lack of information about the seals of this period. The purpose of this article is to identify the typology of these seals, and to find out the time of construction as well as the artistic style used in these seals. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this article is an attempt to introduce these stamps and to typologically investigate and analyze the writing style and decorations used in them. Finally, the information obtained from these stamps with similar stamps has been measured and evaluated. The results of this study show that the seals of the National Museum of Iran can be classified as ring seals and, in terms of shape, in two groups of quadrangular and oval with a flat surface. The seals are made of opal and hematite and their line is of the Kufic type, which is divided into five types. Apart from a seal that has a geometric pattern on the border, other seals have no decorations. In terms of the writing style, the collection of seals under study is dated in the period from the second to the sixth century AH. These stamps seem to have been used for personal use due to the short scripts on them. For engraving on seals, a shallow shaving method has been used. The lines of the seals are negatively engraved and, in their design, the dimensions of the seals are taken into account so that the height and length of the lines are in harmony with the dimensions of the seals. The sealings are simple phrases and, in terms of content, they can be categorized into two types of religious phrases and people’s names. The first type, which is seen in four of the seals in the collection (seals No. 1, 2, 4, 5), includes phrases that show aspects of Islamic beliefs in praising God, asking for help, and request forgiveness from God. The second type is seen only in one seal (Seal No. 3), in which the abbreviated name of the owner of the seal, whose identity is not known, is stated. Examination of the seals shows that both rectangular and oval shapes were used to engrave verses of the prayer and the name of the owner of the seal. Also, from a functional point of view, the introduced set of stamps should be considered as personal stamps because these stamps do not have official government titles or names related to the administrative geography of the Islamic era.

Corrals are distinctive types of traditional architecture in Iran which can be categorized into two groups: free standing spaces and troglodytic spaces. In 2018, a number of troglodytic spaces were first identified by the present author in the village of Baba located in the mountainous region of Tarom-e Sofla in Qazvin Province. In the valley and on the cliff slopes of the village of Baba, there are five troglodytic spaces which have been created in a short distance from each other and are aligned in almost the same direction. Their architectural structure is similar and includes a corridor, a low-ceiling entrance, and a large rectangular room spanned with a barrel vault. In only one of these spaces, there is a small room next to the large room. While the entranceway is built of flat stone, other spaces are hand-crafted. In addition, there are two structures which are interconnected through a short corridor next to the entrance, and the other structures are independent of each other. The rooms can be accessed only through the entrance. They are free of any apertures for lightning. Along the walls and at the corners of the rooms, logs and cavities have been carved. There are also remnants of stone raised platforms along the walls of the rooms. The present study attempts to introduce these newly found features in a descriptive and analytical fashion and determine their chronology and function. Based on a comparative study of architectural style and archaeological evidence, the author believes that the architectural complex of Baba village used to serve as corrals to keep livestock in shelter during winters. The results of the present study can make a significant contribution to our understanding of the traditional architectural patterns in the history of village architecture, ethnoarchaeology, and other related fields of social studies and humanities. Troglodytic living spaces are a group of little-understood troglodytic architecture. Troglodytic living spaces that are built to keep livestock, known as corrals or animal slums, play an important role in the livelihood of villagers. The importance and diversity of these spaces in the culture of rural architecture of Iran are hardly disputable. However, they have not yet been paid the due scholarly attention they deserve. Livestock spaces are created independently outside a village or in connection with the residential area of ​​the village. The collection of Baba village handicrafts (Figure.1-2) is a valuable case in point that shows aspects of the rural handicraft architecture tradition. Also, given the fact that the livelihood of the villagers relied on livestock and livestock products, any endeavor to build livestock spaces was highly appreciated. Providing a suitable environment with hygienic conditions has been directly related to maintaining animal health and the cycle of livestock products. These spaces are valuable evidence of the architectural experiences of our ancestors in their confrontation with an ecosystem, which have survived for a long time until at least the last hundred years and have played a role in the economic, social and cultural life of villages. Contemporary developments have led humans to distance themselves from indigenous patterns and turn to new patterns. Sustaining the values ​​of ancient architecture requires knowledge of the principles based on which indigenous architecture was formed and its local values (Sartipipour, 2013: 26). Therefore, a comprehensive understanding of rural issues and paying attention to biological patterns in the rural environment have an effective role in the sustainable future of the village (Rezvani & Rahbari, 2016: 25-6). This study is the first attempt in the literature to introduce the troglodytic collection of the village of Baba (Figure.3) in Tarom-e Sofla region as a biological experience in rural ecology. Although from the 1980s to the present, the Building and Housing Research Center and the Housing Foundation of the Islamic Revolution have provided a macro level typology of rural housing in the provinces of Iran, few, if any independent detailed studies have so far been conducted on this topic.  It commits itself to examining how this type of architecture was created, what its main features are, what the use and construction time of the collection of handicrafts are, and what their status is within the culture of rural architecture. This study rests upon the hypothesis that there is a common pattern in the architectural style of the handicrafts in the mountainous areas and that of cold rural areas. The architectural plan and structure of troglodytic spaces of the village of Baba (Figure.4-26) are closely similar to those of other mountainous areas in Iran such as Kharqan Qazvin (Maraghi & Parhizkari, 2015), Vafs Komijan and Kandovan (Homayoun, 1977) and Meymand (Homayoun, 1973), (Figure.27-30) and their formation is influenced by environmental and geographical factors. The study is aimed to look for the commonalities and differences in the architecture of troglodytic village of Baba and rural architecture. The architecture of the village can be considered as a new example of animal spaces in Iran, which will be described and analyzed in this paper. Adopting a descriptive-analytical methodology, the present study was an attempt to describe the architectural features of this complex through documents, field survey, and comparative analysis.  Troglodytic architecture is the result of human interaction with the natural environment. Examination of known evidence shows that it had been widespread in Iran. Rural architecture is a manifestation of the livelihood of rural communities. The use of livestock spaces indicates the reliance of the villagers’ livelihood on livestock. Creating cages in the form of hand-held spaces is a model of traditional rural architecture in areas with cold climates. This common practice in different parts of Iran is a function of local and indigenous characteristics, but despite social and cultural differences, common executive methods have been used in their construction. In terms of architectural typology, the handicrafts of the village of Baba can be categorized as troglodytic mountain caves. These structures are formed by digging a sandstone bed. Their outline and spatial organization are similar to those in other areas. It seems that the history of the construction of these structures dates back to at least the Safavid period. Based on the study of troglodytic cages, which are examined as an indicator in this article, they can be divided into mountainous and plain spaces. Mountain caves usually lack a clear geometric order and are formed on the basis of the earth's bed. Plain cages, on the other hand, are more orderly and have good ventilation and light. Their access path is designed in a way to create temperature balance. The division of the interior space to separate young animals is seen only in the example of Baba cages. In terms of material and structure, the pits are dug in the bed of sandstones, volcanic rocks, dense and compacted clay, and conglomerate rocks so that they can have high durability and be less prone to degradation over time. In terms of location, the mountain caves are organized individually below or next to the houses or in a centralized and grouped manner along the edges of the textures. Cages built in a residential space have a separate entrance (Kandovan Figure.29) or a common entrance shared with humans (Meymand Figure.30). The number and size of cages depend on the number of livestock. They are located in such a way that they are not in the path of floods and are created under the protection of natural forces. In terms of their use, livestock spaces are classified into two groups: winter and summer cages. Winter pens are created in the village while summer pens are made outside the pastures and are used seasonally. Paying attention to the body and function of troglodytic cages will provide a better understanding of the traditions of rural architecture and the system that governs them, which represent an efficient model and the wise experiences that have led to the development and prosperity of the village.

During two seasons of archaeological excavations on the historical site of Veliran of Damavand, some structural remnants dating to the Sassanid period were identified. The structure consists of a tower and a rampart, as well as several rooms organized on the two sides of a passage. The architectural findings in the archeological site of Veliran help us know the Damavand region as it was during the Sassanid period, and in a broader sense, contribute to our knowledge on defensive/military architecture as well as the political and social structures of the Sassanid era. The significance of this study is that only limited excavations and studies of the castles of the Sassanid era has been carried out to date, and very little information is available regarding their architecture and construction system. Damavand area has been important in terms of geographical location and communication throughout history, especially during the Parthian and Sassanid periods. This area was located at the crossroads of Tabarestan, Rey, and Qumes, and has always been among the most important cultural centers. The study of the architecture of the historic Veliran site can compensate for our little knowledge of Sassanid-era architecture in the northern territories of the state. The present paper seeks to identify the function and the time of construction of this complex through a descriptive-analytical method, while introducing the architecture and architectural features uncovered at the historical site. The results of this research show that the architecture is that of a castle built in the late Sassanid period. It was used as food storage and warehouse of goods, and most probably was destroyed in the early Islamic period.

Čahārṭāq is one of the common patterns of religious architecture in Sasanian period. In the Pahlavi books, this type of architecture is refered to as dome (gunbad). This form is either free standing or the core of a more complex building. The chronology and function of the Čahārṭāqs are still matter of debate by scholares. Our understanding of the formation and development of the Čahārṭāqs in the Sasanian period and its continuation during the early Islamic centuries is still very scanty. In addition, there is no solid evidence to explain the nature of ritual ceremonies conducted within the Čahārṭāqs and the rank of the fire (Vahrām, Adarān, Dādgāh) venerated therein. The study and investigation of Čahārṭāqs structure play an important role in recognizing the architectural and religious traditions of the Sasanian epoch. The study of architectural structures of fire temples alongside the historical sources can lead to know of behavioral patterns in these structures. Recent scholarship has shown that fire temples were always closed buildings and these structures were in the form of complex, and the Čahārṭāq were surrounded by corridors, walls or rooms. In the central regions of Iran-known as Iran Miānak, which is considered to be one of the seven kusts of Iranshahr-, many fire temples have been identified in Qom, Kashan, Natanz and Na’in. They include Nevis, Atashkouh, Niāsar, Khorram Dasht, Vigol, Natanz, Nakhlak, Shirkouh and Qaleh dār. These cultic places have been established at the outskirst of Dasht-e Kavir.The establishment of these fire temples is an indication of the significance and spread of Zoroastrian religion in this area during the Sasanian period. Their architectural structure is a combination of simple buildings to large architectural complexes. These fire temples, built in different geographic locations, have diverse architectural structures and plans. While they have their own independent identity, they share common patterns. Niasar Čahārṭāq is one of the most important fire temples of the Sasanian period in Kashan’s cultural sphere which, despite its reputation, has not thus far been well studied. This fire temple stands on the summit of the Karkas Mountain overlooking the present-day town of Niasar. On the ground of the literary evidence, it seems that this Chahar Taq was a fire temple founded by Ardashir Babakan. Some scholars have attempted to stylistically classify and describe this type of Sasanian religious architecture over the course of the last century. An effort has also been made to offer various interpretations regarding the function of Chahar Taqs. The surface architectural evidence suggests that the Niasar Chahar Taq might have been part of a much larger architectural complex whose remains can clearly be discerned at the present time. Thus, one can refute A. Godard’s theory that the freestanding Chahar Taqs served as a “single station”. The present paper aims to provide detailed descriptions of the architectural characteristics of the Niasar fire temple and its adjacent architectural remains. The paper will also attempt to analyze and discuss the date and function of the Niasar fire temple on the basis of literary texts and architectural comparative studies in particular with The Chahar Taqs in the neighboring regions. It seems that the Niasar Chahr Taq served as a local fire temple given its geographical setting, the architectural structure of the Chahar Taq, and the population texture of Niasar. Furthermore, the presence of the architectural structures adjacent to the Chahar Taq confirms the idea, previously advanced by D. Huff and L. Vanden Berge that the Sasanain Chahar Taqs were originally enclosed rather than open. This paper also seeks to provide a deeper contribution to our understanding of the nature and significance of the Niasar fire temple.

The iwān is one of the most prominent spaces of Iranian architecture whose background can be traced to the historical site of Hasanlu IV (ninth to eleventh centuries B.C.). The inclusion of the iwān in Iranian architecture indicates that it is an historical model and a consistent feature of Iranian architecture, maintaining its continuity over centuries and millennia. This study investigates the form of iwān and its development from pre-Islamic to Islamic eras and attempts to provide a clear understanding of its architectural structure. Knowing the form of iwān is a necessary step in assimilating both its meaning and its function. Having a historical approach studying a number of highly recognized structures from both the pre-Islamic and Islamic periods, this article describes the structural features of the iwān in different eras. The analysis reveals that iwāns can be categorized in three groups: columned, vaulted, and iwāns with a tarma. These diverse forms appear in the center of one side or several sides of a building, organized on the symmetrical axis of the structures and typically combined with a courtyard in the front and a hall at the back.
Iwāns not only communicate with other spaces, but also create single- or multiple-axis designs in buildings. Iwāns appear in the form of single, dual, triple or quadruple units. The continuity of the diverse configurations of the iwān indicates the value and significance of this element throughout the tradition of Iranian architecture. The manifestation of the iwān in various architectural combinations proves it as a distinctive feature of Iranian architecture.