فهرست مطالب فرشاد مومنی

The issue of row selling, has been the concerns of Medias, researchers, research institutions and planning in Iran, Lacks theoretical as well as empirical. The main aim of this paper is to fill this gap from three angles: The first, environment of internal production chain from out and input sides. The second, external production chains in terms of DVA and VS and the third, their relevance to the issue of raw selling. For this purpose, we use input-output model and symmetric product by product table for the year 1395. Over findings are three folds: First- concentration only to internal production chain and ignoring external production chains unable to reveal the relevance of raw selling. Second- internal production chains of mining products are very weak whereas corresponding external production are very strong. The third- retail and whole sale service products as well as transport services appears to be dominant in both the chains which suggesting not only the beginning of production chains in the Iranian economy but also in confirmation with the theories of rentire state and Dutch Decease.

This study uses the grounded theory to find the similarities between the processes through which the ownership of different state-owned companies has been transferred as debt settlement, and the challenges with which these companies have been dealing after the transfer. The data that have been used for the analysis is based on the interviews with the relevant officials, organizational documents, and other evidence pertaining to the transfer of the ownership of four companies to pension funds (Aseman Airways, Tabriz Machinery, Raja Railway Transport, Iran Tobacco. This paper's main findings are: (1) all of the transfers have been made without competition and the consent of pension funds; (2) the transfers have been made despite severe problems with which the companies had been dealing, although, according to the explicit content of the law, structural reform is the prerequisite of the ownership transfer; (3) the privatization organization has not supervised the performance of the transferred companies; (4) the transfers have been made without evaluating whether the buyers met the qualification requirements; (5) there was not a single procedure for financial evaluation of the companies; and (6) there was not an appropriate process for the delegation of the public responsibilities of the companies to the relevant governance sectors. In fact, in all of the transfers we have studied, the government has neglected the prerequisites, and privatization in the sense of transferring the ownership to the private sector to improve efficiency has not happened, and the government has violated its commitments to achieve the main goal of privatization (which is financing the budget deficit).

Understanding the relationship between employment status and household consumption patterns is critical for policymakers and researchers who aim to address income inequality and promote inclusive economic growth. In Iran, where a significant portion of the population faces informal employment, examining how different employment positions affect household consumption can provide insight into the dynamics of household welfare and economic development. As a result, the aim of this study is to investigate the consumption pattern of informal workers of urban and rural households in Iran and then compare it with the consumption pattern of formal workers. In this research, the dependent form of Working-Lesser system of equations was used and the model was estimated using the regression method of seemingly unrelated equations (SUR) and using the micro data of the cost and income plan of urban and rural households in 2022. The findings of this research show that in both groups of informal and formal workers in urban and rural households, food items, beverages and tobacco, housing, communication and other expenses are essential goods. While clothing items, household appliances, healthcare, transportation, cultural and recreational, educational, hotel and restaurant, and religious items, damages and diya are considered luxury goods. Therefore, the parasite law is valid among informal and formal workers of urban and rural households.

A country’s level of gross domestic product (GDP) per capita over time had frequently been used as an indicator of economic development. Iran’s per capita income in 1977 (shortly before the 1979 revolution) has been higher than its average income earned per person recorded for all the years of the post-revolutionary era thus far. Therefore, a question is raised whether the country’s lower level of economic development (as measured by its per capita income) has been a result of the religious nature of the key governing bodies of the Islamic Republic of Iran established on the basis of Article Four of the Constitution. It is crucial to investigate the accuracy of the assertion that these institutions might have indeed contributed to the vicious cycles of underdevelopment of the country in order to find alternative solutions to the slow-down in Iran’s economic development process.The authors attempt to answer the following two research questions: 1. In accordance with Douglas North's chain of belief-institution-transformation, how has Iran’s level of national development been influenced by the religious nature of its key political institutions established after the revolution based on Article Four of the Constitution? 2. To what extent have the Guardian Council (Shorā-ye negahbān) and the Expediency Discernment Council (Majmaʿ tashkhis-e maṣleḥat-e nezām) influenced Iran’s economic development in the 1980-2020 period? A careful investigation of this issue is important in order to facilitate the policymakers’ better understanding of the underlying causes of the persistent vicious cycles of the country's underdevelopment in the hope of averting a worsening of the situation. Based on the theoretical framework of Douglas North's notion    of the  belief-institution-economic  performance,  the  authors  hypothesize that religious beliefs have had an impact on the enactment of laws and ultimately on economic development in Iran in the 40-year period from 1980 to 2020. Thematic analysis is used to collect and interpret qualitative data pattern on themes in the data set provided by the Guardian Council (GC) Research Institute related to the GC's decisions and opinions on the laws introduced and forwarded by the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majles-e shorā-ye eslāmi or Iran’s parliament) since 1980 (i.e., the starting year of the GC’s function). The main focus of this paper is on the role of the Guardian Council which is an influential institution—because its members perform the task of screening each legislation concerning its constitutionality—and thus has veto power over legislations introduced by the unicameral parliament (Majles). The Expediency Discernment Council (EDC) also has a significant impact on the legislation process by settling disagreements between the Majlis and the GC over laws and deciding which of the two political institutions is right.The findings revealed that a total of 3339 legislation were screened by the GC during the 40-year period, only 175 legislations (5.24 percent) were disapproved, 12 legislations (0.36 percent) remained ambiguous, and 3152 legislations (94.40%) were finally approved. 171 cases (14.73 percent) had also been referred to the EDC at the request of the Majlis. 175 legislations had been rejected by both the GC and the EDC because they were deemed as non-congruent with Islamic law as emphasized in Article four of the Constitution. Among all the rejected legislations, no important piece of legislation with economic implication was observed, with the exception of the case related to the Financial Action Task Group (FATF).  However, the impasse on the FATF legislation as well as the other undecided legislations—particularly on the most challenging foreign policy issues—can be seen as the weaknesses in the political institutions’ decision-making processes. Only the accrued cost of the month-long delays caused by the drawn-out process of screening the legislations might be considered a monetary factor with adverse impact on economic performance of the country, but there might be less evident factors which have indirect development implications. Considering the impact of these issues on the country’s national interest, it is the duty of the experts to further examine the economic and political implications of these delayed legislations and persuade the policymakers to work towards conflict resolution and reach a consensus.

Achieving development is the most important present and future goal for countries, and it is clear today that entrepreneurship is recognized as the main engine driving the development of countries. But, since entrepreneurship encompasses various domains and orientations, and choosing any of them can have specific consequences, determining a development-oriented approach for entrepreneurship programs in schools and the curriculum model for the education system of the country is essential. Therefore, the present research focuses on the development-oriented approach to entrepreneurship and its curriculum model. The research questions include: What is development-oriented entrepreneurship? What is the optimal model of curriculum for development-oriented entrepreneurship? The approach of this study is qualitative to answer the first question"Speculative Essay" is used as a research method and "Review of Documentation" is used as a tool for information gathering. The descriptive-analytical method has been used to answer the second question which is to collect information, The library method and receipt method are used and research sources include written and unwritten works. The research population includes the curriculum of technological entrepreneurship in the formal education systems worldwide, with a targeted focus on the curriculum of technological entrepreneurship in three developed countries (England, the United States, and South Korea) and developing country (Malaysia). The findings of the first part of the research indicate that development-oriented entrepreneurship is technopreneurship, following an approach that cultivates technological wisdom, According to the findings of the second part of the research, the STEM and STEAM models is one of the most popular technopreneurship curriculum models and each of the studied countries follows one of these patterns based on its specific conditions. The current research concludes that schools in the country, by cultivating technological wisdom in their curriculum, can hope to educate a generation of entrepreneurs who will provide the necessary foundations for the development of the country in all its dimensions. But, this requires changes and developments in the macro policies of the education system.

Reformist Politics in Iran identifies itself with an essential avoidance of any sort of populism, claiming the capacity to represent the public demands of civil society. By the use of a retroductive approach, this article analyzes the configuration of Iranian reformist politics to provide an assessment of how reformism could be formulated in terms of either radicalizing the ideal of democracy following "Left Populism" or taking on policies and practices that keep the society exposed to a looming rise of "Right Populism". In recent decades, the Iranian Political Economy has witnessed a wide variety of demands hardly recognized and found entitled to go beyond expressing mere discontent with the status quo, resulting in a comprehensive political alienation. Additionally, the particular qualities of the ruling order have been of effect in keeping reformist politics in a defensive position. According to the results, the undeniable presence of left-wing reformism has not been enough to change the fact that reformist politics in Iran is still a combination of two axiomatically inconsistent approaches of which one is fundamentally devoted to the agenda of marketizing all spheres of social and political life, while the other fails to translate its theoretical differences into practical social policies.

Over the past half-century, the impact of the prisoner’s dilemma has transcended its initial boundaries, influencing a broad spectrum of institutional studies and analyses of interdependent systems, such as collective action, public goods, governance of the commons, social norms, and social capital. Given this extensive influence, the latent fundamental flaws in this model can lead to misleading result for researchers and policymakers. As a descriptive–analytical research, the present study employed evolutionary game theory to examine the shortcomings of the iterative and evolutionary prisoner’s dilemma. It went on to introduce an alternative framework to explain the emergence and transformation of institutions. The critical discussion highlighted fundamental deficiencies of the prisoner’s dilemma manifested in four distinct levels of institutional analysis: the definition of institutions, identification of their function, explanation of their emergence, and description of their transformations. Consequently, the model is not capable of explaining institutional issues mentioned above. Addressing the role of uncertainty and considering the impact of small-world networks on payoff distribution, the second part of the study used a semi-parametric stag hunt matrix to model the cooperation problem. The results indicated that the non-spontaneous overlap between strong and weak ties can accumulate synergistic flows between content and structure, creating an environment conducive to institutionalizing capacity for achieving public goods on a large scale. Therefore, the process of overcoming social traps begins not with the punitive rules proposed by the prisoner’s dilemma, but with synergetic institutions that enhance the opportunity to discover common interests.

The objective of this research is to examine the moral role of institutions and its developmental implications for Iran. The study aims to address the issue of distrust and non-cooperation in the relationship between the government and the people of Iran. Drawing upon a theoretical framework that combines phronetic and institutionalist approaches, as well as incorporating Aristotle's virtue theory in understanding the function of institutions according to institutionalists, the research employs qualitative analysis to explore the moral function of institutions as intermediating variables in development. The ultimate goal of this study is to provide insights into the developmental implications of such a function for Iran. The findings indicate that during specific periods in Iran's history, notable institutional arrangements were in place to facilitate the adjustment of government-people relationships. These periods demonstrated increased predictability and transparency, leading to higher levels of cooperation and mutual trust between the government and the people. Consequently, these improved dynamics resulted in enhanced developmental indicators across various economic and political domains. Consequently, based on the established hypothesis that the relationship between the people and the government is a crucial variable in the development process, the moral function of institutions, defined as enhanced trust and cooperation, can be viewed as an intermediary variable within this process.

This study tried to reread the development policies of Hashemi Rafsanjani’s governments, considering Peter Evans’s communication model of developmental governments. Two main features of developmental governments are reliance on Weberian bureaucracy and the integration of government with civil society. Using quantitative and qualitative content analysis of news headlines of Etela’at Newspaper, as one of the main newspapers of the government from 1989 to 1997 (the eight-year period of the fifth and sixth governments), these features were analyzed. The results showed that over the years, considering the features of a government based on Weberian bureaucracy, a huge portion of interviews, speeches, and news talks of the government are about such issues as human resources development, reforming administrative methods and systems, reforming administrative structures and organizations, and laws and regulations. On the other hand, regarding the integration of the government with the civil society, one cannot find anything about the civil society. The civil society has been replaced with the unorganized groups of people. One cannot find any sign of civil society in this government. The government has relied on people only for the economic development of Iran and for monitoring the administrative reforms. That is, the government has turned to people only to get support and financial aid in order to achieve its economic purposes. According to Evans', this kind of government possesses only one feature of the developmental governments, and has showed somehow incomplete development. Relying only on Weberian bureaucracy and ignoring civil society from 1989 to 1997 make us to see Hashemi’s government a non-developmental government.

"Dowrehs" were informal groups within the Second Pahlavi regime that were formed from the acquaintance of individuals with various social positions, but all of which were created through social capital and with the aim of earning rent and corruption; in this article, we focus on this question that did the "Dowrehs" in the second Pahlavi government have this capability to lay the groundwork for systematic corruption through bonding social capital and lack of linking and bridging social capital?

The approach of the descriptive-analytical article and research method is qualitative and based on document analysis during the second Pahlavi regime and the combined model of this research is inspired by Huberts's ecological approach to corruption.

Our findings indicate that in the second Pahlavi regime, social capital in any form has an effective relationship with corruption through the Dowreh, but the nature of this relationship is depending on the type of social capital; therefore, it should be said that the "absence" of linking and bridging social capital and the "existence" of bonding social capital linked to corruption with a direct relationship.

The existence of the Dowrehs signaled that there was no other way to advance everyday affairs without the use of bonding social capital, and that this made the circle of loyalty of individuals to their acquaintances larger than the circle of their loyalty to the national community; thus institutional roles had become a means of complying with non-institutional demands that leading to systematic corruption. The general solutions to prevent this situation are to increase the radius of trust and to create structures and norms for creating positive social capital.

Government, serving as the primary institution responsible for education, plays a pivotal role in ensuring universal educational access, enhancing educational quality, formulating regional and national programs, and continuously monitoring the educational process. The government's profound influence on the country's educational and training infrastructure underscores its direct impact on social and economic development. Government expenditure in the education sector constitutes a fundamental driver of a nation's human capital development and exerts significant influence on human development indices. These allocations encompass various facets of education, including teacher salaries, educational resources, school and university establishment and renovation, educational programs, and scientific research. Amid budgetary constraints in the education sector, a pressing question emerges: how to judiciously allocate this limited budget among different segments. Consequently, this article delves into an examination of this issue, scrutinizes various categories of government expenditures in the education sector, and assesses their explanatory influence on Human Development Index (HDI) behavior.

This study employs two regression models to fulfill its research objectives. The first model scrutinizes the relationship between variables associated with government expenditures in the education sector and the Human Development Index (HDI) within member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), representing developed and advanced nations. The second model explores the correlation between government education expenditures and the Human Development Index in the context of Iran, a developing country. The variables considered in this study encompass the Human Development Index (HDI), per capita government expenditure on primary education (pri_per), allocated expenditure for secondary education (sec), per capita government expenditure on secondary education (sec_per), per capita government expenditure on tertiary education (ter_per), per capita national income (gdp_cap), and government educational expenditure (GEE). Data related to the Human Development Index is sourced from the United Nations Development Programme, while data pertaining to governmentexpenditures in the education sector is obtained from the World Bank.

The research findings unveil a nuanced relationship between government expenditure in education and the Human Development Index (HDI) in the case of OECD countries. Broadly, government spending within the education sector exerts an overall positive impact on the HDI. This outcome underscores the pivotal role of education investment in fostering human development. Nevertheless, a closer inspection reveals an intriguing pattern: when government spending is examined separately per student across primary, secondary, and tertiary education levels, a counterintuitive adverse influence on the HDI emerges in these OECD nations. This discovery implies that although higher budget allocations to education at a macro level are advantageous, it is imperative to refine spending strategies to optimize fund distribution among diverse educational stages. In stark contrast, the findings pertaining to Iran present a divergent scenario. Here, overall government education spending demonstrates an adverse impact on the Human Development Index. This outcome emphasizes the necessity for a meticulous reassessment of budget allocation and education policies within the Iranian context.

The complexity of the relationship between government spending in education and human development is prominently underscored by these findings, underscoring the paramount need for tailored policies that consider specific national circumstances. In the context of OECD countries, augmenting the Human Development Index necessitates not only heightened financial investment in education but also a meticulous approach to resource allocation that takes into account diverse education levels. Conversely, in the Iranian context, the imperative is a more strategic and efficient resource allocation to enhance the Human Development Index. This highlights the essential requirement for adaptive policy approaches to optimize human development within the unique dynamics of each nation.

Governments play a pivotal role in shaping the course of education, thereby influencing human development. As a consequence, they face the delicate task of allocating finite resources to various educational sectors with precision. Education systems share this responsibility, optimizing budgets to achieve their educational objectives effectively. In a world characterized by budgetary constraints and fiscal challenges, these findings underscore the paramount importance of deliberate and strategic investments in education. Such investments contribute not only to the betterment of society but also to the advancement of human development as a whole.

No economic variable like inflation confronts the society with social, cultural, political and even national security disturbances. Inflation greatly reduces trust in the economic, social and political structure and causes a significant reduction in social control.
Therefore, it is reasonable that in the field of economic and social policies on a global scale, sensitivity is applied to the effects of economic policies on inflation. In looking at the issue of inflation from the level of development, for numerous reasons, no approach will have a high explanatory ability as the approach of political economy. The political economy approach to development is an ultimatum approach that identifies and analyzes the main root of problems by focusing on the final winners and losers of the flawed policy cycles in the economy. The main goal of this research is to explain why the economic policymaking field of Iran's economy tends to adopt inflationary policies from the perspective of political economy with emphasis on the level of development.

In this research, using the analytical approach of the political economy of development, we have looked for the reason for the adoption of inflationary policies and their continuation and strengthening in the Iranian economy during 1989-2019. In this research, using the analytical and descriptive method and official data, an attempt has been made to investigate why the will of economic policymaking in Iran tends to adopt has inflationary policies and to evaluate the effects of inflation on the radius of trust and social cooperation based on trust. This research focuses on cognitive aspect of the causes of inflation in Iran and relies on political economy of inflation.

In this research, by correcting the view of the causes of inflation in Iran's economy, it has been tried to investigate why the will of economic policy-making in Iran tends to adopt inflationary policies, And the main question of the research was explained under the three axes of dominant culture of rent, wrong incentives for policy makers and political economy of interest groups. Disregarding science and preferring everyday considerations, a specific mindset and benefit ruling the policy-making system and the discussion of the beneficial and unproductive groups whose interests are in line with unproductive policies, the bottlenecks of political economy and the wrong incentives of politicians in the field of political and economic are main causes of inflation persistency.

Finally, it can be concluded that with a correct inflation targeting logic, it is possible to design a plan under the title of production-oriented based on the reduction of corruption and the evolution of the reward system, along with ensuring the security of property rights. In fact, with the aim of focusing on the issue of production from two angles, changing the mechanism of the reward system and controlling corruption through reorganizing the mental and thought structures governing the society, especially the policy-making and decision-making system, we may move towards an institutional structure that promotes correct thinking in the policy-making arena. This idea comes out of the heart of that development; such a program definitely needs help from a correct logic of targeting in the policy field. The most important result of such program will definitely be the reduction of the general level of prices.

The importance of industrial development in discussions of economic growth is emphasized due to the fact that productive activities are the main drivers of economic growth and national development. Industrial development refers to the structural transformation of the economy, accompanied by increased levels of production and technological advancements. However, countries pursue different paths to achieve industrial development, and analyzing this phenomenon is not solely limited to economic considerations; it requires a political economy perspective. Analyzing the underdevelopment of industry in Iran from a political economy perspective can reveal various dimensions and, to some extent, help identify the sequence of events through political analysis, contributing to the transformation of the country’s industrial structure. This article aims to examine the influential factors contributing to the underdevelopment of industry from a political economy standpoint. Despite the emphasis on development plans for industrialization, an examination of the industrial sector over the past decade suggests an inherent incompatibility in the country’s industrial structure. The availability of cheap resources concentrated on resource extraction and the limited capacity of the industry to withstand external shocks due to its dependence on these resources, limited competitiveness and low diversity of the export basket, inappropriate investment environment (high risk), and reduced capital formation in this sector all indicate the inefficiency of the country’s industrial structure. Over the past decade, the country’s industry has not only failed to utilize existing capacities effectively but has also suffered from the incapacity to enhance its potential in this sector. This trend will continue to weaken the industry and mining sector and reduce production capacity. From a political economy perspective, this underdevelopment can be analyzed through inappropriate institutional structures, the influence of political and social powers in shaping industrial policies, low technological capacity of supported enterprises, low capacity of economic organizations (competitiveness), mismanagement of rent distribution, political influence in lobbying and rent-seeking, and the expansion of state and quasi-state ownership.

Analyzing the roots of inequality and its relationship with socioeconomic development has become one of the longest-running controversies in the history of economics in theoretical and practical policymaking fields. The study of the evolution of inequality at both domestic and international levels, in addition to exhibiting augmented sensitivity to it and requiring serious attention, reveals many complexities in the fields of social, political, and cultural sciences, especially in developing countries. The study of the opinions of the pioneers and examining the competing theories in a way that includes the experiences of successful and unsuccessful countries in achieving equality and development can play an enlightening and improving role in providing a way for decision-makers and those concerned about the country's development.In the present study, with an analytical-descriptive approach, a theoretical explanation of the relationship between inequality and growth has been conducted, focusing on the channels of positive and negative effects of inequality on growth, the most important of them along with the mechanism of influence have been outlined. In conclusion, while providing statistical evidence, the implications of the issue for the economy of Iran have been discussed. The results indicated that the anti-development consequences of inequality in the economy of Iran can be examined through two important channels: rent-seeking and altering consumption patterns, and creating dependence.

The purpose of this article is to analyse institutionalization obstacles of political parties in quasi-democratic systems. These systems have a combination of democratic appearance and authoritarianism contents, and lack institutionalized competition between political parties. What is most evident in such systems is the formation of groups centering on prominent individuals and, in effect, changing to mere means to expand their influence. In this study, such parties are recognized as‘entrepreneur parties.’ The hypothesis is the short-comingsconcerned withpolitical culture, laws, regulations, and criteria of judgement, and the performance of political competition, leading to the formation of theentrepreneur party, an organization that does not benefit from the institutional tradition and continue to exist only under prominent figures. In this study, the descriptive-analytical method is based on library data.The aim of this paper is to introducethe comprehensive set of institutional arrangements in quasi-democratic systems that affect the nature of political parties’ organizations and to provide a better understanding of the party-centered relations in quasi-democratic systems.