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This article is a critical review on the topic of resource curse paradigm, which is the idea that the abundance of minerals and fuels can have negative effects on the development of less developed countries. In particular, resource cursing theory suggests that the abundance of minerals and fuels leads to the formation of government intervention that hinder growth, deepen rent-seeking, and spread corruption, all of which in terms of development policy can cause negative and consequential effects on the development and growth of a country. However according to historical evidences, recent researches, and related studies, there are other factors involved throughout the underdevelopment of countries which possess natural resources that can cause more lasting effects on the development of countries at the decision-making and policy-making levels. Certain factors such as government focus, pervasive systemic corruption, government policy-making capacity, and overall threshold effects (government financial capacity, ownership structure, and government capability in developing dual growth strategies) have the potential to negatively influence a country's development process and have it deviated towards its abyss and eventually prevent it from growing. Next to dealing with the Dutch disease, rent-seeking state, and rent-seeking version of the curse of resources, the present article concludes that these concepts are in short supply in terms of theory and evidence. This work also identifies the factors that can influence the determination of welfare threshold in developing countries, which suggests that as the threshold is lowered, the risk of cursing resources becomes higher.

Policy reports are short documents that present the findings and recommendations of a research project to their audiences, including policymakers, experts, and perhaps non-experts. The special function of these documents is to provide them through workable proposals in the form of scientific frameworks and with support Accurate and observational data enhance the decision-making and policy-making process to increase accuracy and performance.Question and purpose of the research: Also, the present article tries to review the theoretical implications of filling the research and policy gap and first the international evidence and case studies of countries, barriers and opportunities to strengthen the relationship between researchers and policymakers involved in public policy. . And given the impact that policy reports have on the decision-making and policy-making process of public institutions, and how do they help enhance government policy capacity?Research The present article uses a descriptive and analytical method and tries to analyze how to improve policy-making capacity based on describing the impact of policy reports.Research By providing quality evidence, policy reports transform the new knowledge produced in their research into context-based messages and clear guidelines for policymakers, which will be complemented by discussions with policymakers on research evidence and policy guidance.

This study was carried out to evaluate the effects of alcoholic and nanoencapsulated nettle (Urtica dioica) extracts on growth performance and hematological indices of rainbow trout (Oncorhynchus mykiss). A total of 225 rainbow trout with an average initial weight of 23 ± 0.16 g (mean ± standard deviation) were fed with five diets supplemented with 0% (control group), 1% alcoholic extract (A1), 2% alcoholic extract (A2), 1% nanoparticle extract (N1) and 2% nanoparticle extract (N2) for 8 weeks. The treatments A2 and N2 showed significantly higher final weight and specific growth rate compared to the control as well as A1 and N1. The experimental diets exhibited significant effects on some hematological indices, such that the highest levels of white blood cells, lymphocytes, total protein, albumin and also lysozyme activity were observed in A2 and N2. These results suggested that supplementing diet with the alcoholic and nanoencapsulated nettle extracts enhance immunity, and promote fish growth.

The characteristic of classical public policy was the will to power by a government that authoritatively and centrally formulated its policies and implemented them in the society under its control. With the increase of emerging problems and challenges that are affecting other problems in a complicated and rhizome- like way, the complexity of the government's actions and their consequences has doubled as governments are forced to make changes in the nature of their public policy. This paradigm shift aimed at enhancing the capability and promoting government action in policy design and implementation implies a decentralized and network approach rather than a centralized and government-based one, an approach that focuses on a broad set of policy tools or technologies for public action, rather than the "institution" and "program", to solve public issues. More recent experiences are more inclined to the topic of 'policy baskets' or the arrangement of tools in 'policy blends' that form the content of a toolbox from which governments can choose and construct public policies. The present article, by adopting an epistemological approach, narrates the dimensions of this paradigm shift in identifying new public policy approaches; an attempt to understand the late logic of public policy knowledge based on the recreation of the role of government that has led to the emergence of new forms of network, multilevel and multipurpose governance.

The reasons for non-development in Iranian society is one of the important concepts which Iranian thinkers have dealt with in the last hundred years. It is examined from different perspectives. The policy-making for industrial development which was pursued since Reza Shah’s government in order to reconstruct the substructures of Iran, is one of the most important phenomena for the study of non-development. Although the study and examination of reasons of Industrial development is very crucial in this regard, few works have dealt with the reasons for industrial non-development. The book “Oil, state, and industrialization in Iran” by Massoud Karshenas (Professor at SOAS University of London) is one of few works which deal with the reasons for inefficient industrial policy-making in Iran. Karshenas tries to study the effect of oil on industrial policy-making in Pahlavi era with a structural approach. This article provides a critique of his approach toward the effect of oil on industrial industrialization and its implications.

The present paper examines the application of the political makeup approach to studying and understanding trends and policies of state development. Obtaining this approach is in response to the lack of an informal and hidden study in development policy studies. In this context, political transactions show that the processes of a state are a way to understand how very similar formal institutions, such as the laws of democracy or the laws that focus on macroeconomic management or trade liberalization, or industrial policy, bring about very different results at different times. They find. Using an analysis of the political arrangement approach can lead to a new understanding of the "motivations of change" in developing countries. This approach helps to better analyze the rival and existing interests of any country where its major developmental changes are facilitated or delayed. It also provides a framework for analyzing how the state and society interact with each other, and what lies behind official government policy. The political arrangement, followed by the elite deal, are the main components of the pattern of stability and stability of the state. The role of the political organization in political arrangement is crucial both in terms of the stability of this arrangement and the direction it takes over time. The analysis and analysis of political makeup shows that the formation of a government is not just a set of technical formulas but also a very political process.

Upholding general culture for international competition requires a qualified higher education system and an internally systematic order. Rather, by relying on higher education, scientific production and distribution it is possible to update social value system in a given time and space at social macro level. From 1960s onwards, besides their task of transferring knowledge, universities became involved in knowledge production and research in various scientific and social fields, and even grew as socially responsible entities in the cultural sphere. Considering the fruitful socio-cultural experiences of Higher education in foreign countries and their critical impact for our academic organization, the current article is determined to explore the modality of cultural policy, administration and scope adopted by the sample universities under study. Based on ranking criteria, we selected Stanford, Chicago and Yale universities from North America and Canada, and Oxford and Manchester universities from Europe. The academic programs in different fields of culture, arts, community and public welfare were examined for each university. The paper ends with some practical suggestions.

This study uses a historical-analytical viewpoint in a constructive-functional framework to analyze the political functionality of various religious processions in Iran (in the Islamic regiment) and their role in alleviating political crises. Here different kinds of religious groups with various features have been identified; but if we look at their political functionality, we can divide them into two broad categories: groups believing in conventional Islam (meaning the separation between religion and politics) and groups believing in political Islam (advocating the union between religion and politics). With this definition, one can say that the first group lacks a political functionality and is passive and submissive in political crises. But the second group has certain functionalities and tries to affect the political situation. This study uses various features and a historical framework to deconstruct the political role of different religious processions in Iran.

The post-colonialism approach in international relations is one of the most recent trends in the discipline. This approach focuses on non-Western and underdeveloped countries, and tries to expose and change the complex power/knowledge relations that define the current world order. Post-colonialism has a different definition for the past, present and future of international relations, and presents a different view on interpreting world affairs, highlighting undiscovered aspects of international relations. Theoretically, post-colonialism is charged with the task of shedding light on those aspects of the international relations field which other approaches leave untouched. The theory plays two roles with regard to the other theories in the discipline: objecting main stream theories and complementing the critical international relations theory. The present study focuses on the complementary role of the post-colonialism and critical international relations theory, analyzing its research capabilities.

Westomania is a peculiar interpretation Westernisation Discourse that affected Iranian intellectual life in 1960’s and 1970’s. The motifs of this discourse include some sort of nostalgia، degradation of pro-western intellectuals، anti-westernism، and considering West as the cause of all earthly and metaphysical disasters. Westomania by Jalāl Al Ahmad insists that The West has always been the enemy of Islam and has incessantly attacked the Islamic values. The present article investigates the effect of this book on Persian fiction in 60’s and70’s; meanwhile some other major novels of the time will be reviewed from the perspective of westomania

The postcolonial studies is a new research field dealing with the problems of the non-Western countries and their culture through critical discourse analysis. This critical approach covers theoretical approaches which analyze the post-colonial discourse by emphasizing on the consequences of Colonialism. Due to the emergence of new issues، the scope of postcolonial studies is a very vast subject which stems from strong interest in different issues of this field، including a range of studies from literary critique and theory to political economic issues، colonial governments، identity، culture، etc. This vastness has caused some ambiguities and controversies between researchers of this field. Hence، it is necessary to be more precise in the approaches and indicators of this field. Attempts have been made in the present paper to shed light on the postcolonial subjects، problems and approaches in order to be more accurate understanding this field and having a closer look at the ties between this field of cultural studies and political studies.

Attempts to unravel the discursive discourses of Shia Ulema in the Iranian Constitutional Revolution. Methodology/Approach: Michel Pecheux’s antagonism-based discourse analysis is employed. Findings and Three rival sub-discourses، namely Sharia- oriented، Justice – oriented، and modernist were identified. Noneconsidered components of the modernity of the Constitutional Revolution، but merely focused on actions (both theoretical and practical) of the other two. As a result، they failed to understand the nature of modernity، and their understanding of Revolution was paradoxical. Such paradoxical understanding caused ambiguity and later led to the failure of the movement.

In the framework of contemporary Islamic political thought، Islamic revolution event as a democratic movement in Iran''s political history، once the constitution، provide appropriate context for consideration on the concept of freedom for scholars and theoretical leaders Although this concept in consolidation during of Islamic Republic somehow marginalized from list of concerns of community leaders But perhaps claim that the concept of political freedom، especially in times of revolution were most concerned by the revolutionaries. Many thinkers in the historical period began thinking about this subject. Imam Khomeini as Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution، along with other scholars such as Ayatollah Beheshti، Ayatollah Motahari and attempt and try to explain the concept of freedom based on the ideals and values ​​of the Islamic Revolution. In this article we have tried to employing a comparative approach will scrutinize، the concept of freedom in the political thought of Imam Khomeini and martyr Beheshti as two of the most important intellectual and political leaders of Islamic Revolution.

In order to defend the abode of Islam (world of Islam), Imam Khomeini in his defense discourse, used the method of imaging and representation of other as enemy or alien. In this method, Imam Khomeini by otherization of the arrogance, connected the national level of security and the level of security and defense of the world of Islam to its transnational and international levels. The defense of the abode of Islam in Imam Khomeini’s defense discourse did not merely include the territory, but also protection of the dignity and field of Islam, protection of the Muslims under attack, defense against any attack and defense of the oppressed people who are under attack. The main objective of the present paper is to semantological study of elements, metaphors and components of representation and otherization of arrogance in Imam Khomeini’s defense discourse (with regard to Iran and the world of Islam) in three fields: political, economic and cultural. The main question of the present paper is: How is arrogance as other represented in Imam Khomeini’s discourse? In order to answer the above question, discourse analysis has been used and the data have been garnered from Imam Khomeini’s works. Attempts have been made to analyze Imam Khomeini’s representation of arrogance in his defense discourse within the framework of the representation of other in accordance with the notion of Stewart Hall.

The issue of women’s participation in social-political arenas is among important issues of social sciences studies. The issue gains more importance when it is studied within a revolutionary context. The participation of Iranian women in the course of the revolution gained them the designation of Revolution of Islamic Covers (chadurs). The main question of the present paper is: How the discourse of Islamic Revolution، contrary to its previous two discourses، i. e.، the traditional and modernization discourses، could win the participation of women in social-political arenas? The main objective of the present paper is to delve into the issue through discourse analysis method. Hence، the traditional، modernization and Islamic Revolution discourses are studied at two levels، i. e.، inter- and intra-discourse levels. The main hypothesis of the present paper is that the two first discourses at inter-discourse level faced discontinuation in their articulation and adopted the strategy of rejection and exclusion towards others، while at intra-discourse level they became incapable of preserving the former advocates and attracting new supporters. On the other hand، the synthetic nature of the articulation of Islamic Revolution’s discourse at the inter-discourse level and adoption of a critical and positive approach towards others based on cultural، social and political requirements of the society at intra-discourse level defined a new meaning and political and social identity for the Iranian women. This redefinition in its turn encouraged a large number of women to join the current of struggle against the government، who chose a traditional symbol، i. e.، hijab as their struggle of symbol.

Postcolonial studies is a new discipline dealing with non-Western countries and their cultures، which fall within the scope of cultural studies. This critical approach refers to a set of theoretical attitudes which analyze the colonial discourse with emphasis on colonial consequences. These studies lay emphasis on colonialism as an intangible and cultural issue which still exists. The field and subject matter of postcolonial studies، due to emergence of new issues، has a very wide scope. This is because of the wide scope of the subjects falling within scope of postcolonial studies، which include، theory، literary critique، economic and political studies as well as research about colonial governments، identity and cultural studies. This leads to some ambiguities and controversies in the primary encounters of the researchers with this field of studies، causing some writers to consider conceptual unity and integrity for this field. It seems that a more precise study of the branches and approaches of this field is necessary. Hence، attempts have been made in the present paper to restudy the subject matter and approaches of postcolonial studies and analyze the ignored aspects of this discipline through a critical approach.

The citizenship nurture is consist of teaching knowledge, skills and citizenship behaviors for participating in the community that is a common aim and function between the family and the university. The basis of this kind of nurture has made from the childhood in the family environment and it can be developed steps by steps when the person enters the school or university. Actually the citizenship nurture is an interactive process and in addition to the teaching of citizenship knowledge it needs learning the knowledge of citizenship behaviors, so the educational environments especially the universities can prepare fields and opportunities for the real interactions for consolidation, correction, change, deletion or even creation of proper behaviors and finally it can empower the citizenship behaviors in university students. If the university designed programs run in a way that is the same as family environment programs the learning will be better and deeper so a powerful relationship between the family and universities is needed. So in this article we are going to see how the universities can create the opportunities in citizenship nurturing of the university students? And how the families can help the universities’ aims in the field of citizenship nurture? So, two strategies are examined as the ways of empowering the interaction between the families and universities for achieving the major aim, citizenship nurture.

The realization of people’s role and place in governance of a country is among the issues that determine the political fate of a society. There are different approaches to this issue and each thinker on the basis of his understanding of the issue considers people’s role crucial or otherwise. In the Muslim political thought, the issue falls within the realm of religious government. The present paper is an attempt to comparatively study the viewpoints of two Muslim jurisprudents (Imam Khomeini and Mohammad Baqir Sadr) about the role of people in the governance. The issue will be studied in the light of theoretical principles of democracy and subjective and objective elements of democracy. The data for the present paper has been garnered through documental method.

Non-Western societies are trying to produce some theories and thoughts in humanities through indigenization of these sciences in order to solve their practical and theoretical problems. The discipline of postcolonial studies is one of the research fields dealing with the problems and cultures of non-Western countries. This critical approach refers to certain theoretical attitudes, which analyze the colonial discourse by laying emphasis on consequences of colonialism. At the same time the discipline of postcolonial studies lays emphasis on indigenous sciences visà- vis colonial sciences which have been a tool in the hands of Western colonial powers throughout the colonial history. In fact the deconstruction and deorganization of Western sciences is one of the tools of promotion and expansion of these postcolonial studies. Hence, the discipline of postcolonial studies is a theoretical background for Islamic-indigenous sciences in Iranian society.

Government as the most important political institution in the human realm and the fundamental element of the state, is laid on two foundations, one of which constitutes the form and the other represents the truth and content of it. Each of these two foundations has its own several constituents. Knowledge of the formal and content constituents can lead us to the understanding of the nature of government as viewed by Muslim scholars, making clear the advantages and the disadvantages or shortcomings of any governmental theory, its relation to the political behavior and function in practical realm. The great scholar and the Forth Martyr, Seyyed Muhammad Bāqir al-Sadr, embarked on theorizing on Islamic government in the periods of Imam of the Time’s occultation within the philosophical and theological discourse, making efforts to offer a distinguished and important theory in this regard basing his arguments on the concept of the “Divine Vicegerent” in times of occultation. Accordingly, the present research seeks to provide the reader with much deeper recognition and more precise explanation of Martyr Sadr’s political thought about Islamic government.