ملیحه سالم

Huntington, the owner of the theory of the clash of civilizations, believes that the West has declined and to revive it, a new order must be created in the world. Considering Western civilization to be superior, he challenges Islamic civilization, which is the only civilization that threatens the West, with objections, especially in the field of human rights. The basic question of this article is, what is the relation of the mentioned theory with the categories of human rights and human dignity? According to the findings of this research that is received by addressing the issue of human dignity in the field of human rights and Islamic principles; The human rights claimed by the aforementioned theorist are devoid of the content of value dignity and the right to a decent life, responsible freedom and ultimately a good life does not exist in it. The result of this is the spread of social corruption, and thus their problems in the field of human rights on Islamic civilization are incomplete.

This article intends to examine the positions and process of resource mobilization of the National Council of Iran and the Rah-e Kargar Organization, which are respectively the most important monarchist and left-wing Marxist groups opposed to the Islamic Republic. The theoretical framework of the present article is based on Charles Tilly's theory of political mobilization, in which, based on the variables of collective action, organization, interests, resource mobilization, opportunity / threat and repression / facilitation, the resource mobilization process of these two groups is comparatively examined And will present their similarities. Also, the positions of these two groups towards the Islamic Republic will be considered in a comparative study. This study seeks to answer the main question of what is the process of positions and mobilization of resources of the Labor Organization and the National Council of Iran towards the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of this study, using a qualitative method of documentary analysis, indicate that the positions and process of political mobilization of the two groups have major differences in such a way that the possibility of any alliance and close cooperation is ruled out due to fundamental differences between them; However, both of them equally want to overthrow the Islamic Republic and replace it with their own political system.

The main question of this article is: what are the positions and the process of mobilizing the resources of the Constitutional Party of Iran and the Fadaiyan Khalq Majority- Branch Organizatio. The theoretical framework of the present article is based on Charles Tilly's theory of political mobilization, in which, based on the variables of collective action, organization, interests, resource mobilization, opportunity / threat and repression / facilitation, the resource mobilization process of these two groups is comparatively examined and their differences and similarities explained. Findings of the research, using a qualitative method of documentary analysis as well as a comparative method, indicate that the positions and the process of political mobilization of the two groups have major differences so that the possibility of any alliance and close cooperation is ruled out due to fundamental differences between them; However, both of them agree on the position of overthrowing the Islamic Republic and replacing it with their own political system.

The main question of the paper is what the structural and agency backgrounds of the Nationalization Movement of the Oil Industry and the Islamic Revolution of Iran are. To answer this question, Anthony Giddens' Structuration Theory has been used. For Giddens, the structure and agency are two sides of a coin, and the integrated analysis of the structure- agency must be used to explain social phenomena. The method of this research is documentary and historical analysis, and a note -based tool for collecting information is used. The research hypothesis is that the simultaneous presence of structural and agency causes the occurrence of the National Oil Movement and Islamic Revolution movement. The findings of this research show that in the structural aspect, the most important factors in the national oil movement are: in the economic dimension the oil issue, in the social dimension, the coalition of clerics, intellectuals and marketers, in the field of domestic politics, the dictatorship of government and in foreign policy, the support of the super powers of the Mohammad Reza king, and in the cultural field, the dominant ideology of nationalist ideology. In the structural aspect, the most important factors in the Islamic revolution are: in the field of economy, dependent and uneven development and the rentier state, in the social dimension, the coalition of all classes, in the field of domestic politics, the absolute dictatorship mode of government, and in the foreign policy, dependence of Shah government on super powers, and in the cultural dimension, the dominant and mobilizing ideology of Shi'ism.
But in the agency aspect, in the National Movement, the coalition of Dr. Mossadegh as a representative of the national flow and Ayatollah Kashani as a representative of the religious flow, was effective. In the Islamic Revolution, there was again a coalition between religious, intellectuals and market forces, but the unique leadership of the revolution was by Imam Khomeini and religious flow as the main agents of it.