فهرست مطالب نساء زاهدی

According to the literature of new regionalism, we should make a scientific distinction between region and geographical width. Here, we define the region as a group of countries that have a more or less explicit common political project, pursue a single goal in the global arena, and show common regional behavioral patterns. In the new literature of regionalism, the geographical or even economic dimensions are weakened, and instead, functions such as the degree of political development, the nature and performance of political economy, and regional coalition building become important in the establishment and recognition of geographic regions. In this regard, the main question of the article is that considering the new theoretical developments in the dimension of neo-regionalism, can West Asia still be defined as a "geographical region"? The hypothesis of the article with analytical and explanatory methods, according to the transition of new regionalism theories from only geographical, ecological and even economic criteria in the establishment of regions, depends on the realization of the first and fundamental assumptions of the establishment and survival of the geographical counterpart in West Asia. Factors such as hierarchization, regional coalition building, establishment of internal security complex, competitive political economy building and revision of institutional structures are known.

is not possible to understand the nature of structural changes and the transformation of the political economy of the Middle East and North Africa without understanding the current of modernization and neoliberal policies in this region. The evidence is that the output of neoliberal policies in the region is the collapse of models of capital accumulation in an unbalanced way, the formation of The new class and the emergence of capitalism is a greenhouse inside, which has had no result except the expansion of inequalities, ecological crises, exploitation of women, increase in informal work and class gap, rising debt and food crisisThe present article, with descriptive and analytical method, aims to answer the main question that neoliberalism and its goals and indicators in the Middle East have had an effect on the nature of the political economy of the region and the formation of new classes for the benefit of the existing governments. The hypothesis is that the application of neoliberal policies as a strongly government-oriented project will cause the internationalization of capital in favor of authoritarian governments as regular managers of capitalism inside, the formation of emigrant capitalism and global capitalism, structural adjustment.

Promotion of regional power c. A. Iran, which is located in one of the strategic geopolitical regions of the world, is necessary and necessary to provide the ground for the realization of the high goals of the Islamic system and revolution. This is despite the fact that according to the theory of hegemony, extra-regional powers more than ever have their interests around the region. The Middle East strategy revolves and they are trying to maintain the balance and prevent any regional power-seeking. The main question of the article is: How the presence of world powers in the Middle East has caused the process of reducing Iran's regional power and made it face a challenge? The hypothesis of the research is that the great powers such as America, China and Europe are trying to hegemony in the Middle East with their own tools and in this way they will reduce the regional power of Iran. The findings of the research show that America and Europe through various military and political-economic alliances and pacts with the countries of the region, China with extensive economic ties and limited security alliances, etc., have caused restrictions in Iran's regional activities. The research method in this qualitative research is descriptive-analytical, and they were collected from library sources by the chipping method.

Based on the new literature, new-regionalism should be distinguished from the geographic or geographical division of science. Here we define the region as follows: A group of countries whose joint political project is more or less explicit and active in integrating into globalization. That is, both of these trends are tied to the flux of the transformation of the global structure. In the new-regionalism literature, geographic or even economic dimensions are undermined, and their functions are important?The main question of the article is that considering conceptual developments in the dimension of neo-nationalism as a way of understanding in understanding the global structure of the present, is the use of the term "region" to Western Asia to be a scientific criterion. The hypothesis of the paper, based on the analysis and explanation methods, considers the transition of the neo-nationalist literature to the use of geographic or even economic criteria in the establishment of the regions, the primary and basic presuppositions of the formation of the region depends on the realization of the factors of the movement towards polarization.

The return of the Taliban to power and the withdrawal of the United States from Afghanistan have presented opportunities and threats to the West Asian region. Undoubtedly, the formation of the weak Taliban government in Afghanistan has worried the neighbors of this country, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, about future relations. Now the question of the article is, what effect will the coming of the Taliban have on the internal political and social structure of Afghanistan and the future of relations with Iran? It is assumed that according to the prevailing conditions in Afghanistan after the return of the Taliban, based on the existing differences, the future of Iran-Afghanistan relations will face challenges related to issues such as geopolitics, conflict in the eastern borders of the country and creating insecurity, hydro-hegemony, and drug trafficking. , immigration and asylum, the base for the formation of terrorist groups such as ISIS will be faced. The findings of the article indicate that the Taliban is not united and coherent, because the political Taliban must be separated from the ideological Taliban. The future of the relations between the two countries contains threats and opportunities, the threats are mostly in the area of ​​border insecurity, water issues, immigration and drugs, and opportunities in the economic field. In this article, descriptive-analytical research method has been used. The main method of collecting information for this article was through library resources and related sites, especially in the descriptive sections.

A wide range of studies of women's demands in the contemporary history of Iran is done from the perspective of thinkers and thinkers.If this study is done as a comparison between the opinions of two thinkers with different and sometimes conflicting opinions, it creates the potential that the real face of that part of the opinions of a thinker that presented the demands of women more than Make it clear in advance.Among the most important contemporary Iranian thinkers we can mention the works of ez Motahhari and Shayegan.The main question of this research is "What was the approach of Morteza Motahhari and Dariush Shayegan's ideas about women's rights at different times?"This study, in a descriptive and analytical manner and using the analysis of Laclau and Mouffe discourse, has reached the conclusion that the central sign of Morteza Motahhari's discourse in the field of women's rights is influenced by Islam, Shia religion and Quran.And the central sign of Shaygan's discourse in the first period of his intellectual life in the field of women's rights is influenced by Eastern and Asian identities, and in the second and third periods of his intellectual life the central sign of his discourse in the field of women's rights is influenced by modernism and cultural pluralism.The findings of this study indicate that Motahhari's works are closer to the demands of the third wave of feminists and Shaygan's works are closer to the demands of the first and second waves of feminists.

An important gift of Iranians facing the West was the challenge between tradition and modernity. The field of women's issues was also caught up in this challenge. This article tries to answer the questions of when the thought of the women's rights movement entered the intellectual space of the Iranian society and in the form of what discourses it spread and how the role of intellectuals in this direction is done with a sociological-historical approach and through documentary and library methods. What paths have they taken in this direction and what has been the reason for their delay in addressing the issue of women? The findings indicate that the events before and after the Constitutional Revolution provided the ground for some Iranian women to become acquainted with the women's movement in the West. In the meantime, a quasi-movement structure was formed in Iran that emphasized the better life of women and the realization of women's rights. But with the advent of the Pahlavi period, the movement took the form of a state and became a calm wave. With the victory of the Islamic Revolution, after the constitutional discourse and the Pahlavi discourse, a third discourse of the women's rights movement was formed. This discourse is composed of different and sometimes contradictory spectrums and somehow seeks to respond to the challenges of tradition and modernity.

Turkey's constitutional referendum is a recent era of internal developments in Turkey. With the fragile victory of the Justice and Development Party on April 16, 2017, the study of this referendum and developments regarding the future of democracy in the country can be considered a matter worthy of further study. In this paper, the paper attempts to analyze the constitutional referendum of Turkey by using the theory of elite circulation as a theoretical framework. In this regard, the central question of the article is how does the referendum on the Turkish constitution affect the future of democracy and political stability in Turkey? This paper, based on descriptive and analytical documents, has strengthened the hypothesis that the recent constitution referendum of Turkey has undermined the future of the political system based on the circulation of the elites of the country, and it leads to mediation that competitive environment will be limited to other non-government elites, such as opposition parties, and the future of political stability and democracy in this country will be more fragile than the past, as well as the future of Turkish political and social security, more shaky than before.

Despite the implementation development programs within the several decades in Iran, we see a decline in positive economic indicators, a sharp decline in human, social indicators, and a one - line pattern of development. The institutional school of development through focusing on the local needs and demographic characteristics and emphasis on the optimism and multidimensional analysis internalized institutional changes and historical analysis method, has been emphasized more than other conventional approaches and models of economics. The aim of this paper is to provide an example of the model of new Institutionalism and the possibility of employment and applicability for Iran to demonstrate the effectiveness of its theoretical system in response to the dilemma of the development of Iran. The main question of this paper is how well the New Institutionalism literature is able to provide a solution to exit the bottlenecks that govern the political economy? The hypothesis of the study is that the idea of anti - rational logic is spent on quantitative theories and pivotal economy, problems relating to social well - being and moving from the concerns of neoclassical economics, the concern of the organization and control of the economic system, seeking to design a model for development and qualitative development based on the elements of transparency, good governance, government oversight, and avoidance of rentierism.

Given the widespread protests and protests in 2010 in some Middle Eastern African and Arab countries, such as Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, the process quickly spread to the neighboring country of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Syria.Since the Syrian state has a special geopolitical position and is in the center of resistance, as well as the point of connecting and connecting Iran with Lebanon's Hezbollah, the developments of this country have been highly regarded by the policy makers of the Islamic Republic of Iran and caused a change The attitude and change of Iran's foreign policy in the region and Syria. Since the Syrian people are of particular importance in the region and the point of connection between the countries of the Middle East to Turkey and Europe, the developments of this country are considered by the Western and Arab countries, and this country has become a political destination of the affected countries of the region and contradict Iran's interests came from neighboring countries such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey, which has been deteriorating, and in fact the developments in Syria have become a war of protest of the hostile states of the region and the United States against the economic, political and national security interests of the Republic Islamic Republic of Iran.

In the 1980s, Turkey succeeded in reforming its internal economic structure under the influence of neoliberalism as a dominant approach in the world of politics and the world economy, and pursuing its promotion of domestic and international status in this way. The question of the present article was how the effects and consequences of neoliberal reforms and reforms on the economic structure of Turkey can be analyzed and how is the state's position in this process possible? The research findings were based on a descriptive and analytical method based on the documentary study that the role of the developmental government of Turkey, especially from the era of the Ozal period as the main battalion of reforms, was based on neoliberal policies and the integration of Turkey into the world economy, and the withdrawal of the economy From renditions and guidance to healthy structures, the creation of qualitative changes in the constitution in favor of economic change, the pursuit of integration with the global economy, the interaction with the West and the exploitation of globalization opportunities, its main policies were the emerging economic developments Taking advantage of the work of the Justice and Development Party, they can make Turkey a credible position Defense means the three-digit inflation in 1998 was one-digit in 2006. they can make Turkey a credible position Defense means the three-digit inflation in 1998 was one-digit in 2006.

A complication in the face of the achievements of the founder of modernism, which has sometimes led to the recapture of radical groups by terrorist and Mujahdat methods for realizing the utopia of the era of righteous predecessor. Understanding radical groups, their tools and their implications require a multidisciplinary, networked, comprehensive, and a comprehensive set of studies. To this end, the answer to the question of what is the ratio of current religious radicalism to postmodern flows. Can these groups be placed in the postmodernist streams or, according to current views, belong to the modern age, or even derived from the traditional order? This research by a descriptive and analytical method, while studying documents inspired by Lacquer and Shental Mouffe, showed that, in explaining the current extremes, modern tight molds are inadequate and, more importantly, they are inspired by the imperatives of the modern world, Even the revival of the caliphate in religious radicalism from the perspective of the believers is a means to the ultimate goal of changing the modern world order, and since the current extreme phenomena are phenomena of identity, oppression, and oppression, which, with antagonism and with a different conception of Identity also seeks to define and prove itself in violent ways, so the analysis of radicalism the present is more comprehensible in the post-modern era of postmodernism.

With claims made to revive Islamic caliphate and extreme Islamic thoughts, the ISIS is financially supported by Arabic countries, particularly Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Therefore, it is of paramount importance to find a reason for the motivation of the ISIS financial supporters. The purpose of the present paper is to discover the financial resources of the ISIS as well as the main reasons for the support of some countries in this regard. The findings demonstrate that financial resources of the ISIS backed by Saudi Arabia and Qatar include benefiting from illegal land occupation, bank robbery, extortion, gaining the control of refineries and oil reserves, as well as stealing properties. On the other hand, they are supported by individuals or non-profit organizations, foreign unlawful combatant, and their rich capitals in social networks. The purpose of all the ISIS-driven actions is to worsen endemic warfare in the region and stop the expansion of the influence of Iran in Iraq and Syria.

Security issues are the main concerns for players in International relations, for they put them on guard against potential relations that might cause threats. Security feeling or lack of it determines the modality of cooperation and alliance among regional and trans-regional countries. The European Union is vulnerable to threats and crises arising in the neighboring Middle East. This state of affairs has driven the Union itself and its members to involve in the region to settle the crises. The Union members have expressed more interest to enhance collaboration with Iran in security, political, economic and energy affairs. This can be a new opening in bilateral relations. The research question is what impact JCPOA would have on Iran and the European Union. The hypothesis is that JCPOA can improve security cooperation between them. We have used descriptive analytic approach in this research.

In 1980s، under the influence of neo-liberalism movement as a dominant approach in politics and global economy، Egypt started reforming its domestic economic structure and tried to improve its position domestically and internationally. The question is how the performance of Egyptian government in reforming process has been، following the teachings of neo-liberalism. The hypothesis of this paper regards the performance of the Egyptian government in implementing neo-liberal policies and merging in global economy as factors in reproduction of authoritarianism، emergence of weak private sector، corrupt market oriented economy، quasi-mafia economic relations، and finally failure of reforms and collapse of Mubarak’s government.

With the expression of the modernization theory as the dominant paradigm of development during the 1950s, approaches towards development were extracted from this paradigm. But with the birth of the attachment school of thought, the modernization theory was scrutinized. For Latin American countries however, the attachment school of thought was considered a Marxist ideology up until the end of the Cold War. Towards the end of the Cold War, and with the changes that took place in the international system, Marxist visions, including the attachment school of thought were also scrutinized due to a lack of resources. Latin American countries were able to distance themselves from the attachment system, and instead establish proper relations with advanced countries that helped their development. The aim of this study is examine and criticize common visions regarding the development of Latin American countries after the Cold War era. According to the findings in this paper, Latin American countries are advancing towards growth and development through their approaches to structural and institutional globalization of economics.

The Turkish model of democracy as a special pattern in connecting Islam and democracy has considerable impacts on public opinion and elites of the Arab world. The ruling Justice and Development Party has adopted an efficient diplomacy and meaningful role in regional developments. The present article aims to assess the history of Turkish foreign policy during Ataturk, Erbakan and the Justice and Development Party. The main question is whether the priority of Turkish foreign policy governed by Justice and Development Party regarding regional developments has changed or evolved? The hypothesis of this research is that the main priority of Turkish foreign policy in Erdogan government is membership in the European Union and respect for the political and historical heritage of Ataturk. However, in light of Islamic awakening, the Turkish government has taken a multi-faceted approach which ends up to contradiction and dichotomy between policy and rhetoric.

Knowing About Growth And Development Of Islamic Fundamentalism In Islamic Societies During Recent Decades, This Essay Surveys And Analysis Social, cultural Crisis And Globalization On Emergence And Formation Of Islamism Movement In Aljazeera. the Aime of Research Is Confirming This Hypothesis Which Social, Cultural Crisis, Globalization And islamic revelution of iran Had A Principle Role In Returning To Islamic Principles And Roots In Aljazeera After Getting Rid Of The France Colonailism.

Considering increment in fundamentalism movements in recent decades, especially in Islamic society, objective of this work is to survey and analyzing effect of social crisis and globalization on development of fundamentalism movements in Egypt. This assay is up to answer that what is the role of social crisis as major variant and globalization as intensifier on emergence of fundamentalism movements in Egypt? The hypothesis is that a set of social crisis and globalization are the major factors in emergence of such movements in Islamic society and Egypt. To this end we’ve presented the issued in abstract, then we have worked on discuss theoretical frame and definitions and meaning, and then we will work on the effect of social crisis and globalization on emergence of fundamentalism in Egypt. And finally we will finish with conclusion.