فهرست مطالب هومن نیری

The new middle class has been recognized by many analysts and sociologists as the most important class in social change. The new middle class in Iran after the revolution has expanded from a quantitative and qualitative perspective with respect to policies adopted by post-war governments. The following article focuses on the question of what has changed from the position of the new middle class between 2005 and 2016  and How has this development affected the political behavior of this class? The hypothesis is that in the years under review, the new middle class has changed .However, these changes appear to have been inconsistent. Over the past 14 years, the status of this class has weakened in terms of economic capital and strengthened in terms of cultural capital  .his hypothesis was emphasized in the theoretical framework that Bourdieu's theory, ie the method of construction, was tested And the role of the agents (the new middle class) on the one hand and the role of the structures (social, economic and cultural) on the other hand were considered. The research method is qualitative and the data collection method is utilization of library-cyberspace resources. The findings show that continuing this trend has led to a conflict between the new middle class base And the decline in the cultural consumption of this class, which is the cause of its class distinction from the lower class of society, has ultimately led to the radicalization of the socio-political action of this class.

Global economic crisis which started mid first decade of the third millennium after banks’ bankruptcy and the financial crisis in the U. S rapidly spread to other parts of the world. Europe was affected more than other parts of the world and is still suffering from its negative consequences، and the number of countries that are falling into the vortex of Europe’s economic crisis is increasing. But the consequences of the financial and economic crisis of Europe which itself has been affected by the global economic crisis، are not limited to the economy، and the political arena is also involved. Accordingly، the main question of the article is “what effects have global economic crisis and subsequently Europe’s economic crisis had on European citizens’ trust on the democratic systems of their countries?” In response to this question، the main hypothesis is that there is a direct relationship between Europe’s financial and economic crisis and European citizens’ trust on their political systems and this crisis has led to a mistrust among European citizens towards neo-liberalist policies of the countries in the European Union and ultimately، it has led to undermining of fundamental democratic assumptions of these countries. Qualitative research method of scientific explanation and library data collection were employed to test the hypothesis and measure the degree of relationship and impact of independent variable on the dependent variable alongside inferential analysis of the data.

Revolution theoreticians have declared contending and approximately incompatible theories, caused in bewilderment among concerned field enthusiasts. As a result, some have intended to categorize these theories till reduce bewilderment, and make them easier to study. One of these theoreticians is Jack Goldstone who at first categorized theories of revolution into three generations. But after the beginning of 1990s, he suggests, we are transferring into fourth generation of revolution theories that considering the defects of first three revolution theories in explaining revolutions and has more generality in comparison with previous generations, so can be used as complementary beside three previous generations.

In recent past, in the eyes of non-Muslim thinkers Islamists were synonymous with fundamentalists and there was no difference between the two for them but in recent years with coming to power of Islamists in Turkey these two terms have rightly found their distinct meaning. At present, with coming to power of moderate Islamists in Turkey, they have presented themselves as a successful model for Islamists groups and societies. It has also led to the decline of the position of Islamic Fundamentalists and strengthening of democracy in that country. In fact for better understanding of the relations between Islam and democracy one has to pay attention to the dominant interpretation of Islam among the followers. What gives the final verdict or judgment about the relations between democracy and Islam by Islamist groups or societies is the dominant interpretation of Islam by Islamist groups or societies. Thus one cannot give a comprehensive verdict about compatibility or incompatibility of Islam with democracy. The present article wants to examine the impact of a dominant moderate interpretation of Islam in Turkey. The underlying hypothesis is that such interpretation of Islam is not an obstacle on the way of democratization but it has helped the deepening process of democracy and building the necessary institution for democracy.