مقالات رزومه دکتر محمد رضایی

The emergence of technocrats following the 1953 coup d'état signified a transition from political nationalism centered around the nationalization of oil to a new form of economic nationalism. This shift was primarily driven by the global economic and political transformations after World War II, which introduced a new understanding of the concept of "the economy" and positioned technocrats as key actors in governance. Iran's move towards development began in the context of its economic and social backwardness left by the war. Prime Minister Mossadegh's nationalist government sought to regain national sovereignty and secure increased oil revenues to overcome these conditions, leading to a political confrontation with the British government. This confrontation eventually culminated in the U.S.-British-backed coup d'état against Mossadegh's government. In parallel to Mossadegh's political movement, a group of technocrats led by Abolhasan Ebtehaj entered the government with a different vision. They believed that oil revenues should be based on economic growth and development planning, requiring financial and technical assistance from international development organizations. Consolidating this approach marked the beginning of economic nationalism in Iran, with the Plan Organization becoming the guiding force for Iran's economic and infrastructure development since 1953. This historical analysis focuses on the concentrated interplay of technical and political factors that shaped the ascendance of technocrats and the role of state planning in Iran's extensive socio-economic transformation from the 1950s onwards, providing a deeper understanding of the process.

In this study, with the study of the forty four sample of the works of religious cinema after the revolution with the method of discourse analysis and discursive semantics, it has been tried to answer the following questions: what are the discourses of religious cinema after the revolution and what they have in discourse formulation and context. The results of this study show that, after the Islamic Revolution, cinematic texts have been found in five discourses of the Islamic Revolution, Sacred Defense, escaping urbanization and favoring life in villages, individuality, tolerance, pluralism and return. These discourses have, in turn, arranged their ideal and normal object as the sacredly revolutionary subject, the place of meaning, individualist, tolerant, and responsible truthful believer. The results of this study also confirm that semantic conflicts of tolerant religious discourse and the discourse of individualism with the discourse of the Islamic Revolution as well as the Sacred Defense and the discourse of return are tangible. Moreover, there are some overlaps regarding common denominators between the discourses of the Islamic Revolution and the Sacred Defense, urbanization and favoring life in village as well as the return. In the discourse of religious cinema, we do not see plurality of subjects and they have a limited space for functionality. Subjects' functionality is also continually attacked by structural forces.

The subject of this article is the sociological study of political tolerance in Iran. The theoretical model of the research are based on the theories of Paul Wagt in his analysis of political tolerance and the role of education in it, and Anthony Giddens in his analysis of the role of globalization and the new media in political and cultural change. The type of research is quantitative and based on social survey. The sample size is 811 people and the sampling method is proportional classification sampling (by gender) and in the final stages it is a simple and systematic random sampling. Experimental evidence from research indicates an increase in the tendency to political tolerance in exemplary society. Based on the experimental findings of the research, it can be judged that the observational statements confirm the validity of the solutions expressed in the research regarding the relationship between the consumption of new media and the level of political tolerance. As the standard regression function implies, the contribution of the New Media Consumption Index to the explanation of the Political Tolerance Index is 38units higher than that of the New Education Experience Index. Also, the ratio of the variance of the political tolerance variable, which is explained by the linear combination of the two variables of modern educational experience and the consumption of new media is 37%.

Cultural revolution in Iran has been usually represented as an inescapable consequence of 1979 revolution, which imposed by government’s will to suppress the opponents and stabilize new order. Such descriptions lack the conditions and disputes out of which the event emerged. In this article, we contend that making sense of cultural revolution requires a more effective illustration through understanding the historical conditions, its relation with society and a thick description of the events. Moreover, based on conjunctural analysis, we argue that the whole procedure of the event can be analyzed in three episodes: the emergence, institutionalization, and re-opening of the universities. It seems that a series of events had an active hand in the processes including the rise of Islamists, the state’s weakness, the hostage crisis, the border unrests, the widespread clearings, the election of the first parliament, and the bombing of the offices of Islamic Republic Party and the prime minister. Furthermore, several critical issues initiate the event, including its scope and extension, the feature of post- revolutionary university, and the responsive authorities. In addition, the problem of academic order contributed in the period of institutionalization and establishing the Bureau of the Cultural Revolution. The last but not the least problem formed around reopening of humanities in universities. We argued the articulation of events and problems led to problematization of cultural revolution. Also this articulation illustrates the beginnings of ideological cultural politics in post-revolutionary Iran.

This article is about the condition of law at universities. After the Cultural Revolution, in 1980, and closing university for Two years, the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution became known as the governmental institute to legislate laws of the university. This supreme council is parallel to the Iranian parliament and it has the right to legislate in some fields such as the university that the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology is responsible to enforce laws. But, the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution legislates laws are ambiguous, interpretable and generalized. These features have caused university officials to enforce laws based on their own interpretation and manner. Thus, we are looking for answering the question of “how is the condition of laws in Iran universities?, and how do students experience them?” For this reason, at four universities in the fields of art and human sciences and engineering, we interviewed 50 students, and also with 5 lawyers who are familiar with legal issues at the university. In result, the enforcement of laws at universities is with university officials’ manners and this is on the contrary to the function of laws to eliminate the abuse of power. Therefore, this vast injustice and misuse of laws alienate student from university, and then the most important theoretical and conceptual findings are that the university is based on the reason of the ideologies at the beginning time of Islamic revolution. Thus they are not compatible with the current students’ life.

It is possible to cast studies on the formation of new schools in Iran into three categories: modernization, state-oriented, and anti-colonialist approaches. All these analyses, in general, are flawed, mainly due to reductionism, simplification of causes, or subject-oriented analysis. In these researches, historical complexities and details, usually, to be lacked, and in turn, a simplified explanation is rendered as the main factor of the emergence of new school in Iran. In looking for a more complicated narrative, we try to illustrate some effective forces through which the birth of new school has made possible. Although we never deny the importance of historical factors which are at the center of previous investigations, we content that new birth requires focus on a more broad discursive transformation in which the necessity for new education, not only by the state but also by the other part of society, is distinguished. Therefore, the birth of new school, in contest with the long-lasting religious and traditional Maktabs, cannot be analyzed by appealing to a final historical subject like the intelligentsia, Qajar state or Christian missioners, but historical necessities and new arrangement of historical forces. Cultivation of state (or Shah), mobilization of army and technologies, and finally, education of the nation, are three important elements in the course of this discourse. Based on a conjunctural analysis, in this article, we tried to shed light on the issue.

By reviewing the current methodological topics in cultural studies، yet some kinds of theory/method dualisms are distinguishable. Going beyond these dualisms، requires emphasizing the importance of qualitative researches in cultural studies. In this article، we try to discuss the problem، which is focused on the dualistic contentions in the methodology of sociology and cultural studies. Next، with respect to the politics of theory and politics of method in cultural studies، we try to introduce an analytical approach، which helps us out to move beyond these dualistic quarrels. This analytical approach is well-known as “conjunctural analysis”. In this article، after detailed presenting this approach، and its conceptual origins that developed by Machiavelli، Marx، Lenin، Gramsci and Althusser، we argue how this approach can be applied in cultural studies. This argument reminds us that there is an intensive relationship between decentering method/theory dualism and possibilities of a cultural study as interventionist and contextual knowledge that is sensitive to history.

In this article we examine how Iranian women put an interpretation on Victoria, a very popular satellite TV series on Farsi One channel. Based on Active Audience Theory especially Cross-cultural Consumption, audiences consume media texts in different manners. By using qualitative method and in depth interviews with 30 women, we try to show that watching Victoria series produces a kind of excessive enthusiasm that leads to the emergence of “Love of Watching” or “Watchophilia”. Moreover female audiences of this TV series interpret Victoria’s role (the heroine) as independent and assertive. Presenting an assertive woman filled the female audience with delight. Findings showed that having empathy with the heroine is a strong mechanism in watching TV series. Comparing real conditions of female viewers’ lives with visual text is subject to controversy among them. This process has led to the formation of an active reading around judgments about feminine roles and expectations from it based on show of Victoria’s role. Family, occupation and educational major are variables effective on this kind of reading. Moreover we will try to argue that “drawing comparisons between the viewers and the characters” is the dominant aspect in reading Victoria series among Iranian women

The study of the process of representation in media is one of the important research areas in cultural studies. This article explores the different forms of media representation of ethnicity in Iranian T.V series based on constructivist representation approach as developed by Stuart Hall. To this end, two series entitled “if my dad was alive”, “Deer of the ninth month” were analyzed in a qualitative manner. The main question is about fairness in representations ethnic groups in TV networks. Also, the authors compare the different forms of the representation of ethnicity and provide an internal critique, bearing in mind the objection, topics, priorities and policies related to production, procurement and broadcasting ratified to regulated T.V programs. According to findings, it could be said that the representation of ethnicity gives an unfair picture of certain groups. This approach created fuzziness in portraying minorities as groups having marginal and even negative roles in the society. Being marginalized, ethnic actors face limitations in expressing themselves. Therefore minorities subjects who speak in the public sphere encounter more serious restrictions.