مقالات رزومه عبدالله ساجدی

The Mongol attack on Iran had implications for politics and society, and one of them was the change in the religious identity of the Sunni community. With the establishment of Ilkhanate rule in Iran, they entered into a challenge with their other Sunni neighbors and created a new discourse in the field of foreign relations with them. The main question is how the new discourse affected the Sunni community's religious identity in Iran. The defeat of the Mongols from the Mamluks of Egypt, the loss of the land of Sham, and the establishment of the remnants of the Abbasid Caliphate in Cairo turned Egypt into the most important regional rival of the Mongol Ilkhanates. This competition was formed in a new geographical and political context in which the Mongols played a prominent role in establishing their borders. Iran was also at the center of this regional competition and almost alone among its allied rivals. Meanwhile, the Ilkhans' relations with the Mamluks were more sensitive due to their support for the remnants of the Abbasid caliphate. They were more tense compared to their other Muslim neighbors, such as Elus Jochi and Elus Joghtai. This political isolation of the Ilkhans, along with a different view of the Abbasid caliphate based in Cairo compared to the same neighbors, made it very difficult for the Ilkhans to gain legitimacy in the non-Muslim period and even in the Muslim period and paved the way for entering a new religious discourse based on De-Abbasidization and creation of a different identity among the Sunnis of Iran

The intellectual movement in Iran started with an effort approach to remove the backwardness of the society And in its continuity, it aimed to change the traditional patterns in the society and move towards modernization. Therefore, the role of intellectuals as a motivational driver of the current of transformation and reformism in Iran cannot be denied.In this research, sociological-historical approach and conceptual analysis method were employed. Iranian intellectuals from 1963 to 1978 are the intended audience of this research, for which a documentary study serves as the research instrument. The sampling method is hypothetical. Using the theoretical sampling method, a group of Iranian intellectuals who were the principal representatives of various intellectual currents were examined as members of the sample society.Between 1963 and 1978, the third generation of intellectuals can be classified under the three discourses of leftist, liberal, and religious intellectuals, according to the findings of this study. By analyzing this discourse, it is possible to deduce that, as a result of the closing of the public sphere and the political stalemate in the society after 1963, intellectuals changed their approach in an effort to alter the existing situation.From the study of the role of intellectuals, it can be concluded that the cultural and social capital of intellectuals increased in the decades preceding the 1950s and 1960s due to an increase in university education, greater success in intellectual circles, and the spread of the revolutionary situation. Capitals became the primary source of support for intellectuals and political reformers in order to create the necessary conditions for the demise of the dominant political system.

Following the beginning of the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, the establishment of a new educational system entered a new chapter and all schools in the country were required to follow the principles and instructions of the Ministry of Education. Religious minority schools, especially Armenian schools, that have been operating independently for decades, responded to the challenge, with Armenian schools in Gilan resisting the Ministry of Education the most. The present study, based on the documents of the National Archives, while examining the general situation of education among Armenians, seeks to answer the question in a descriptive-analytical manner that What was it like and what was the final result? Research findings show that Armenian schools considered teaching in Persian to destroy Armenian culture and language, resisted against the Ministry of Education for ten years from 1926 to 1936, but finally after the surrender of Armenian schools in Gilan. The latest protests ended, and Armenian schools across the country were forced to comply with Ministry of Education regulations and put Persian language education on their agenda.

Historical sociology can be achieved as a method based on data and sequence of historical events, and historical sociology of domination as a social phenomenon can be designed and followed in different historical periods. This article has been presented with the aim of reviewing the book “Historical Sociology of Iranian Dominance”. Due to its features, this work, as innovative work in this field, deserves to be read. The present article has a critical review of this book in the form of the following axes: ambiguity in the title of the book, lack of correct and initial explanation of the issue of dominance, ambiguity in methodology, lack of coordination in method and text, ambiguity in the concept of historical sociology. After reflecting on the technical and editorial aspects of the work, the article concludes with the conclusion that the issue of "dominance" has been raised by the author as a historical issue and the author tries to use its sociological theories and methods. But this study shows that historical sociology is a sociological approach using historical information and data in different periods, or in other words, examines the trend of domination in different periods, not what is considered in this work as a historical approach with a sociological method.

The issue of legitimacy in the history of Iran is one of the issues that has attracted the attention of historians in recent decades. One of the most recent of these works is "the evolution of the foundations of the legitimacy of the monarchy from the Mongol invasion to the rise of the Safavids." This work examines the evolution of the foundations of the legitimacy of this period in the context of a pervasive crisis of legitimacy in the form of multiple models, emphasizing that with the fall of the caliphate and the arrival of the Mongol element, the complexity of the foundations of legitimacy doubled and new inspiring foundations. It was raised for legitimacy. In addition, after the fall of the Ilkhanate, almost all special orders and organizations were damaged. Governments, with numerous features and characteristics, used various legitimizing models to justify their sovereignty. Thus, governments faced a crisis of legitimacy on the issue of the foundations of legitimacy. This article aims to critically review the above work. This study shows that the crisis of legitimacy was a major issue in the period under review, but the patterns of legitimacy were by no means based on a single pattern, but on a multifaceted, composite, and simultaneous pattern, but important indicators such as the Iranian idea of ​​monarchy; Farah Izadi and Farah Kiani were ignored. The work is weak in terms of methodological foundations and definition of concepts and has not been able to conceptually design a comprehensive multidimensional model for the period.

One of the most important means in government's successes during the human being history has been maintaining security and order for people welfare. Of course this required the presence of powerful rulers. During Qajariyeh in which Iran had been considered by the world powers,due to the problems the government had been confronted with,the security was basically underwent some challenges. The state of Fars as one of the wide states of country experienced this insecurity due to the commercial paths passing through it to other parts of the country. In this research using descriptive _analytical method,we investigate the role of Gharasorans as the protectors of Fars paths security. The research findings indicate that Gharasorans acted well in maintaining the security of ways only if the central government kept it's power and they received their wages on time. Whenever these payments failed, this security vanished. Also the financial abuses by the rulers of the protected ways, the little numbers of Gharasorans and insecurity provoked by different tribes (Qashqai, Khamseh) affected this problem. This entailed the complaints of both merchants and passengers and the British officiers. Protecting the commercial interests of Britain especially in ways of Shiraz_Booshehr and Booshehr _ Esfahan was the priority of this government which was accompanied by difficulties by invasion of south Khans and some tribes. They tried to prevent these adjustments in different ways and by reflecting their complaints to Britain's Consulate in India. Finally the establishment of Gharasorans was dissolved when Gendarmerie was founded and Rezakhan came to the power.

The formation of a government depends on subjective foundations and the semantic background that were believed by people. This semantic background is the same as legitimacy. Safari government as one of the local governments in the realm of the Abbasid caliphate, based on military power and hegemony stepped into the world's political races and was a prelude to the next governments like Buwayhid that believed military power was the basis of their political legitimacy. Contrary to common practice, people sought refuge to Abbasid caliphate only as a temporary therapy tools. Of course besides the power of the sword, chivalry attitude, a priori legitimacy (in the past) as well as public acceptance was involved in the legitimacy of the government of Safari government. In this article, by using descriptive-analytic method, the objective is identifying the foundations of political legitimacy of the local government of Safari and the analysis in order to clarify the political nature of the government and the extent of its dependence on each of the legitimacy centers.