مقالات رزومه دکتر محمد رادمرد

crisis of Azerbaijan was an event that is very important to investigate. The beginning and the end of Azerbaijan's crisis can be discussed at three levels: individual level and emphasis on the actions of those such as Ja'far Pishevari and Ahmad Qavam, national level; The role of oppression of the first Pahlavi government to the people of Azerbaijan as the cause of the crisis and the approaches of national institutions (army, parliament and government) in ending it; And finally, the international level, where the role of the Allied leaders in World War II should be emphasized as an important factor in the beginning and end of the crisis.  In this regard, this article has tried to analyze this event in the framework of the international order and the confrontation of great powers. In this framework, the question that is investigated in this research is as follows: How can the similarities and differences between the behavior of the United States and UK in the Azerbaijan crisis be analyzed? This research emphasizes that considering that the Second World War is a time when the former hegemon gives its place to the new hegemon, within the framework of Wallerstein's World-systems theory and emphasizing the concept of hegemony, it is possible to compare the behavior pattern of the two great powers of the world in this event. In this framework, this article has investigated this important event with a comparative approach and through the collection of library data.

Development, particularly in its political aspect, appears to be a future that most elites of undeveloped nations aspire to move towards and achieve its objectives. Taking step in this path full of difficulties necessitates certain conditions. From the political sociology perspective, perhaps social cohesion is the key condition. This is also applied for Iranian society and Iranian elites’ concerns. In the present study, our main assumption is that Iranian society does not have organic cohesion for articulating the political and social demands. Hence, the fundamental questions of the discussion include what are the causes for the lack of social cohesion in Iran and what is the impact of this lack of cohesion on the political development process? Influenced by Ferdinand Tönnies’ theory, the base of the hypothesis of the present research is that since Iranian society has not evolved in the scientific sense and our country’s social/historical formulation is more similar to Iranian communities than to a united Iranian society, political development appears to be impossible. Thus, in the current study, the researchers are aimed at answering the research question through applying the theory of social divides, using a descriptive/analytical method, and collecting the required sources using a library approach.

According to the non-proliferation treaty of nuclear weapons, enjoyment of nuclear energy for the peaceful purposes is the right of the independent countries. But the pursuit and effort of the Republic of Islamic of Iran to gain this right has become the greatest challenge in the foreign policy of this country and clearly a contrast between Iran and the unites States of America and will continue in the indefinite future. The main question is what is the relationship between elites and nation of Iran and America with the formation of the confrontational foreign policy and the disagreement in the nuclear program of Iran? Scientific findings of this research shows, while the main competition between the American presidents is how to curb Iran's nuclear program, Iran's leader's emphasis on promoting nuclear knowledge and the policy of the presidents of Iran is in how to promote it. According to the writers of this research, using James Roseau’s national and international theory is a suitable approach for addressing this subject. They have also tried to provide an appropriate answer to this question using explanatory method, library resource documents and a few statistical resources.

Geographical location, civilization history, Shiite religion and oil discovery in the last century created a special place for Iran in the world. During the Pahlavi era, with the extensive influence of extra-regional powers, Iran's government became the gendarmerie of the region and a strategic ally of the West led by the United States. With the occurrence of the Islamic revolution, global arrogance, which saw its strategic interests in the region at risk, rose through influence, sanctions, threats, coup d'états, ethnic provocations and finally an imposed war in order to defeat the revolution and restore the previous order. The expansion of the scope of the war also laid the groundwork for more and more roles of trans-regional powers and pressure on Iran to end the war. Therefore, the nature of these roles in the war as well as their reasons will be investigated in this research. One of the best theories that can explain the conditions governing the regional system and the structure of the international system in the conditions of the war between Iraq and Iran after the revolution is the theory of neorealism, which has been used in this research. In this research, the method of referring to historical

Although theoretical modeling seeks to explain revolutions as possible as simple, they are amongst the most complicated human phenomena. Despite common features in terms of the beginning, procedure, and outcomes, revolutions differ considerably. Considering the similarities and differences between revolutions leads to understanding the contextual and intellectual characteristics, the agents, and the kind of mass activism in revolutions. There have been various divisions about revolutions. Samuel Huntington’s simple division about revolutions, i.e. the Western and the Eastern, has been paid attention to in reviewing Iran`s Islamic Revolution. He divides revolutions into two general types based on some particular characteristics. In which category does the Islamic revolution fall into this duality and how efficient is this modeling in formulating and analyzing the Islamic revolution? To respond to the question, the paper hypothesizes that Iran`s Islamic Revolution shows similarities to the Western type and fundamental differences with the Eastern type. Although in this analysis, the authors also criticize this modeling in the analysis of the Islamic Revolution. To explain the hypothesis, the paper conducts a comparative-historical method for analyzing the library-based data of the research.

After the American withdrawal from the Comprehensive Joint Action Program (BJAM) and the non-fulfillment of the West's commitments, our statesmen adopted a new step-back strategy before the West agreed, in the case the West failed to fulfill its obligations. Against this backdrop, the United States and three European countries have threatened to take action against Iran's policy. The question that arises in public opinion is "What will be the end of this confrontation?" Possible options must be considered to answer this question. Iran's favorable choices, and America's and Europe's, especially the ones most likely to be. Although it is believed that the US and the West are eager to reinstate sanctions and new resolutions, this will not be the case if our country adopts clever measures and will be at a low level of efficiency. What is most sought after by the West and the United States is the diminishing fear of Iran's commitment to domestic and global public opinion, thus forcing Iran to stop in this new direction. In this study, the main question was asked which state is the best option for the Islamic Republic of Iran to continue its presence in BJAM using game theory? Based on the evidence, evidence, and findings of this study, we concluded that the continued presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in BJAM is a dynamic game with complete and complete information. In this research, the game number tree of Iran's options was outlined and examined, and then, the answer and solve the game using the payback method, the result of which came to the option of taking decisive steps for reducing the obligations of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Mirza Malkam Khan known as Nazem-Al-Dole is among the thinkers who has written numerous notes and writings about the clergy and their position in the future of Iran. His most important work was Qanun newspaper which from the viewpoint of most experts, it played a very important role in developing the Constitutional Revolution. The present study intends to examine the motivations and intentions of Mirza Malkam Khan in terms of his attention to religion and specially its missionaries, and it also answers the following question: “What was the position of Shia Ulama (scholars) in the analysis of Malkam about the modernization of Iran?” to answer this question, researchers believe that “Malkam’s attitude towards the Ulama should be based on two “motivations” that are the increasing power of the Ulama and the opportunistic character of Malkam (background and context) in line with two “goals” known as modernization and his taking revenge on Qajar court (intention).” In this regard, the paper will distinguish three attitude towards the clergy in Malkom’s political and intellectual career. To analyze the hypothesis of the present study, Content analysis methodology and the conceptual framework of Political Modernity by Maurice Barbie were used.

The Islamic revolution of Iran as a social revolution was a unique event. During this event, the Pahlavi dynasty collapsed after 53 years of ruling Iran. This study was conducted to investigate the reasons for the decline and collapse of this dynasty through different aspects. According to the limitations, the researchers examined this issue from the viewpoint of the concept of patronage. Thus, the question in this study was that what effect the corruption had on the collapse and decline of the Pahlavi government. In this study, the researchers mentioned that patronage is one of the most important factors that led to popular protests against the government   and led the Pahlavi regime to collapse. This paper uses the causal mechanism method (process tracking). The data was collected by the library research method. The focus of this research was on time and space constraints of Iran in the 1340s and 1350s.

The event of occupying the US Embassy by students following the Islamic Revolution in 1987 is one of the historical milestones of the relationship between Iran and the United States. In spite of its superior political and military power over the Islamic Republic of Iran, the United States turned to geopolitical illustrations to bring its international community together. Geopolitical imaging means the power of rivalry over the formation of the perception and subjectivity of individuals, institutions and political actors of the position, characteristics and content of geographical space based on the interests of that country. Geopolitical imaging in its critical aspect, referring to the realization of reality, refers to dualism in order to build a new identity on one side and weaken an enemy / another / on the other. Regarding this issue, the leading writer tries to answer the question of how the US embassy conquers the geopolitical imaging of its country in terms of its qualities and characteristics. It seems that the United States, by exploiting the geopolitical imaging and displaying the "imaginary enemy" of the image of the public opinion of the society, aims to produce and consolidate this discourse, a platform for infiltration and intolerant domination.

The occupation of Iran in September 1941, and the escape of the military and the dissolution of the Iranian army, regardless of its military and political consequences, was a blow to the image of Reza Shahi's army formed in public opinion. The uniformed army, which had been able to extensively suppress all dissident domestic groups and local movements, now collapsed strangely in the face of a foreign enemy. Understanding this failure is one of the most important questions in contemporary Iranian history. It seems that this issue should be sought in the sultanism nature of the first Pahlavi government. Therefore, the main question of this research is "How did the sultanism nature of the government pave the way for its defeat in September 1941?" To investigate this issue, using the descriptive-analytical method and collecting data by means of library research, it was found that the influence of the monarchical nature of the government on the decision-making system, military functions, and a lack of understanding of the international system, led to the defeat of the army in September 1941 before any serious confrontation. In other words, by nature, an army that like other parts of the government managed all its general and particular affairs "under the command of the monarch" could not resist the foreign enemy.

Economic development in today's world is a concern of many states. The important issue is that, first, how states can be on the path to development, and, second, what procedure can take place in order for them not to fall out of orbit. The results of development in Iran in the 1960s and the growth and reconstruction taken place at this period reveal that development may be a temporary achievement, a process after which the crisis and acute financial and economic conditions were experienced. Now, the question we seek to answer is: Why did the economic development program in Iran in the Pahlavi era fail despite the initial positive efforts put forth in the 1970s? This paper tries to answer this question by using inclusive institutions and exploitative institutions concepts of Oglu and Robinson and applying them in Iran of the 1960s and 1970s, and to show that the upper hand of politics can cut the roots of economic development programs and abort a development process and path and cause deviation. This study is conducted using a descriptive-analytical method. The required data are gathered using library study.

One of the important axes of the "Statement of the Second Step of the Islamic Revolution" is to pay attention to the "past" in order to take "firm steps in the future". This issue has been emphasized in various fields, especially foreign relations. A review of the text of the statement shows that the emphasis on the continuation and intensification of "national dignity and demarcation with the enemy" in the second step of the revolution is basically based on the fact that in areas such as "increasing resistance against bullies, oppressors and arrogants of the world" First is the revolution. Since the continuation of the confrontation with the system of domination is one of the missions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the second step of the revolution, it is necessary to use the past experiences. Considering that the benefit of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the policy of deterrence of networks is the main axis of confrontation with the Zionist regime as the main lever of the domination system in West Asia during the first four decades of the revolution, so in this article using descriptive-analytical method, after explanation Theoretically, the role of Hezbollah in Lebanon, as a successful model in this policy, suggestions for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic are presented in the second step.

The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing the issue of modernization, the form of the political system in this period of contemporary Iranian history can be examined. Edward Schiles is one of the thinkers who has categorized political systems from the perspective of development and with an emphasis on political development. Schills divides political systems into five categories: political democracy, guided democracy, modernist oligarchy, totalitarian oligarchy, and traditional oligarchy. Accordingly, the research question is which type of political system can be considered in line with the realities of the second Pahlavi state? It seems that in the context of the division of Schiles, the second Pahlavi state (1372-1357) should be considered as a modernist oligarchy. Thus, this research, while expressing the salient features of modern oligarchic systems from Schiles' point of view, tries to adapt the prevailing realities of the second Pahlavi period (1357-1332) to it. The application of this theory in this historical period can well show the ratio and degree of cooperation and accompaniment of dictatorship and modernization in some periods of a country's history and its cost-benefit. This research uses descriptive-analytical method and data is collected in a library.

The classical discourse of the monarchy dominated the political arena of Iran for more than a thousand years. In this discourse, the king is a Nodal point, freedom is not a place, and the concept of justice is also based on the king's personality. But in the pre constitutional era, the anti-discourse of the monarchy is gradually taking shape in Iran. Accordingly, the question to be discussed in this study is: What contributed to the collapse of the classical discourse of monarchy and the formulation of constitutional discourse? This article seeks to show that the general crisis and disorder in Qajar Iran on the one hand and the familiarity of Iranians with the Constitutionalist discourse in the West and the moments of its discourse, such as justice and freedom, the field of marginalization of the classical discourse of monarchy and the rejection of the earlier meanings of justice and caused freedom. To achieve this, this article uses the methodology of the discourses of Laclau and Mouffe.

The 1979 revolution is called Islamic because the main current in its leadership, ideology and organization were religious forces. The purpose of this article is to examine the type of confrontation between the Pahlavi government and this large current present in the revolution. Accordingly, the question we addressed in this article is: What position did the second Pahlavi government take towards the religious opposition in order to ensure its survival? The method of this article is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library. Theoretically, this article uses the three conceptual frameworks (repression, facilitation, and tolerance) that Charles Tilly discusses in From Basij to Revolution. In the research literature of this article, we emphasize that the Charles Tilly trilogy has not been used specifically and focused on the Islamic Revolution, and most of the research has used Tilly's "mobilization of resources" theory "in general" about the Islamic Revolution. The time frame of this research is 40s and 50s. Analysis of numerous historical data shows that in the Pahlavi regime, the scope of "repression" of religious forces was extensive, "tolerance" was low, and "facilitation" was far less. The Pahlavi government made little use of the facilities provided for the moderate opposition. Tilly divides political systems into four categories: oppressive, totalitarian, tolerant, and weak. Based on the available historical evidence from the Pahlavi government's position on religious dissidents, this government should be called a repressive system.

This research is an examination of the intellectual history during the Mashruteh (Constitutional Revolution) and the Islamic Revolution. It compares reforms contemplated by Mirza Malkom Khan and Ali Shariati. The research question is: What are the differences between reformist thoughts of them concerning their temporal situations? In this regard، we have used the findings of Thomas Springer (crisis discovery، identifying the reasons and solutions suggested by the two thinkers) to analyze their thoughts. Malkom’s thoughts were based on the confrontation with backwardness and promotion of development. He praised modernization and emphasized on religion to justify his thoughts. His main concern was to overcome backwardness and proposed the Western Progress Model as a solution. Contrary to him، Shariati concentrated on the revival of religious identity and presenting a model to encounter superficial impressions of the West، modernity and modernization. His answer to the problem was revival of the ideas of justice and freedom (return to self). For emphasizing its identity foundations and achieving progress، contemporary Iran needs thoughtful approaches and proper development models in order to meet both development and identity without endangering or preferring one over the other because the country’s contemporary history has indicated that any bias towards one of these foundations would lead to imbalance in society and its instability in long term.