مقالات رزومه امید منصوری

This article aims at a different analysis of the tobacco movement. Assuming that this initial encounter between the Iranian people and the government, which was precipitated by the territorial expansion of global capitalism via concessions in a peripheral country, comprises characteristics that are unique to a subordinate experience. The theoretical perspectives of "Martin Breaugh" served as the inspiration for this article.It has been enhanced by a system perspective that emphasizes the linguistic-historical critique of the object and operates under the assumption that it lacks identity. Utilized methods consist of secondary and document analysis. An endeavor has been undertaken to measure the presence and absence of components of the plebian principle in the actions and moments of the aforementioned movement through linguistic criticism, reexamining historical documents, and even analyzing analyses.The main results of this research are: 1) Initiated by Shiite scholars and instigated by the discontent of merchants and businessmen, this movement rapidly evolved into a social movement that encompassed the urban impoverished, dashmashti, women, children, courtiers, and even the royal harem. 2) It should be noted that although street demonstrations and protests emerged as a result of the plebeian people's affection for squares (agoraphilia), the boycott proved to be the most effective and crucial method of challenging the king and foreigners. This article argues that the boycott represents the epitome of consumerism or the C-M moment. 3) The authors demonstrated that totalitarian regimes abstain from employing force not due to a lack of legitimacy, but rather when they lack the authority to "command"; 4) An unintended democratic desire emerged, which ultimately resulted in a yearning for recognition by "the people"; this desire ceased to progress until it reached its logical juncture, but served as the foundation for subsequent developments. This remains a present-day concern and has been the primary social demand of all contemporary social movements in Iran; 5) In contrast to an ahistorical and orientalist perspective, the tobacco movement serves as an expression of democratic opposition.

The expansion of urbanization in Kermanshah and the issue of endowment as phenomena that can partially clarify the different experiences of Kermanshah in its development is an issue that has not been discussed so far. Endowment has had important characteristics and functions, the most important of which are: not being class-based, creating a sense of social solidarity and even in moments of history, being a mechanism to realize social justice and participating in the social security system, and poverty alleviation. The production of urban space in the city of Kermanshah is at least influenced by two historical factors, one of which is rooted in the religious political economy and the other in the modern capitalist political economy. This article is going to discuss the role the endowment institution has played in the production of modern urban spaces in Kermanshah. Besides, this article is going to know how the endowment mechanism that affects the production of the urban space of Kermanshah, is elaborated in different political orders. 

Theoretically, Lefebvre's theory of space production has been used, emphasizing the moment of spatial representations, as well as Gertsel's theory of political order. In terms of methodology, this research is affected by the dialectic of regressive-progressive: "The point of view adopted here may be described as regressive-progressive." This method places the facts of the present as the starting point. This means that referring to anything in the past is rooted in the issues of the present. Looking from the point of view of the present causes a search in the past. It is what determines at which moment in history the researcher should search for the origin. This attitude is also a kind of genealogy.

In the pre-constitutional political order, the endowment governance was in crisis only when the governments used the endowment revenues to gain territory. Otherwise, an agreement between the institution of religion and the patriarchal system was gradually made regarding its governance, and it was generally governed in a bureaucratic manner. Although it was not always the institution of religion or specifically the class of scholars and Ulama who only benefited from its income or its supervision, they were involved in the endowment institution in different ways (Shafaghi, 2016). This crisis entered a new stage with Reza Shah's modernization approach."Reza Shah’s official nationalism was largely based on the manipulation of this patriotism and a program of cultural assimilation and coercive linguistic unification" (Matin, 2013: 85). The nationalist order predominance in the political system of the Pahlaviera changed the governance of endowment. These developments became actual with modernization. Urbanization based on infrastructure construction for capital circulation, so that urban spaces should be produced in such a way that new consumer goods could be traded, was generally the central core of the nationalist order of this era. Nationalistic assimilation and identification were in line with the same standardization that capitalism needed for its globalization. Kermanshah was also not immune from these developments. The end of this order had unintended consequences that were inseparable from the evolution of the endowment governance in this city. Reza Shah did this to enrich the royal family and consequently the power of his central government. He declared that many estates and lands in the most fertile areas of the country belong to the state or are monarchical.

In the pre-modern political order, which in a sense can also be called a religious order, the endowment system was such that it could perform a complex function in the long-term division of labor and in which this institution could continue its life under the legitimacy of religion. In that order, the endowment was a public institution that was able to shape the economic metabolism and by that, the economic matter was embedded in the social life. The city of Kermanshah and its spatial development in the Nasrid era clearly shows the decisive influence of endowment. It shows how the community character of the endowment has organized power and wealth relations in the community and, by extension, the city as a whole. The most important result of the endowment functions in this era was the relative generalization of wealth. In the nationalist order of the era of Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah, endowment became an organization under the modern state bureaucracy, and the process of de-personalization of endowment, which is the other side of the coin of community decentralization, began. At the same time, the income from the properties and endowments should mainly be spent on the things that the government recognizes. After the 1979 revolution, efforts have been made to revive the regulatory role of religion, but it has not led to the possibility of returning to the pre-modern religious order. Therefore, the charitable function of endowment becomes more prominent in the new order. This is the result of the relationship between the changes in the endowment organization and the new political order. This new order, which took control after the 8-year war, was the neoliberal order. The three basic principles of the neoliberal order are deregulation, structural adjustment, and privatization, according to which the public expenses of the government should be reduced. In addition to this cost reduction, which takes place under structural adjustment, public expenses should be outsourced in the form of charity affairs. This is where the prominence of charity affairs in the endowment organization becomes important and prominent. In addition, during this period, the endowment organization sought to stabilize its position by judicially dealing with the status of endowment properties, which were undecided half a century ago and their fate has changed.

The main issue of this paper is the relation between State and Capital in 1960s decade in Tehran through the “Tehran”. To analyze this issue, we used the theory of “production of space” and liberal Governance technique. According to the main question of the paper, among three aspects of production of space, representation of space is emphasized.

We have used regressive–progressive method of Lefebvre, and the technical method is document review. The comprehensive plan for Tehran was written in 1969.

This paper is to study the space and time of development that is hidden in the comprehensive plan to demonstrate the relationship between State and capital. As

Space and time of project crystallized capital space and space. Its implications was definition of happiness based on future that constitute its principles the accumulation of capital, population, and duality of leisure and labor. Its strategies is proficiency, sufficiency, and ultimately, also it’s linear designation of bases, consumption- led and imitation of project from mode- orientation of grand cities was as mediation of capital territoriality. Historical condition of relationship between state and capital in Iran meditating the legitimation crisis of Pahlavi government, for failure of development programs and ‘Tarhe Jame’ that it’s consequences was appeared at 1357 (1979) revolution. State has bounden necessarily to constituting of capital market and support of bureaucratic bourgeoisie in Iran. So can says of Liberality’s Government Art in authoritarian government and capital space and time in which would provoke to legitimation crisis every crisis in relationship between state and capital.

The legitimacy crisis of Pahlavi regime got deeper by determination of the development plan and its failure. This defeat is lead up to disorder in capital cycling and created crisis. The crisis added to all gaps between people and state, and then resulted in 1979 waves of dissatisfactions. However, in a country like Iran where the government supported the expansion of capital, any failure would immediately undermine the legitimacy of the government. This is because in Iran, an authoritarian government was formed first, and it was necessary to expose it to the vast territory of capital which was also accompanied by colonialism. This authoritarian and nationalist government, which began after the constitution and specifically under the rule of Reza Shah, had to provide the conditions for the expansion of capital. Reza Shah provided the infrastructure, but the Iranian bourgeoisie was supported during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah; hence, in Iran, in the 1960s, a kind of bureaucratic bourgeoisie was formed, which depended on the support of the government and basically pledged its legitimacy to maintain it. At the same time, the government itself was responsible for the production of capital spaces and saw the longing of a millennial civilization in the construction of the ideal capital of the future.