amin arian rad

Sheikh Fazlollah Noori was represented as a negative figure in constitutionalism discourse’s historiography that defended the constitution revolution at the beginning but finally his disagreement with two other constitutionalist clergy leaders, Seyyed Mohammad Tabatabaei and Seyyed Abdollah Behbahani lead him to join anti-constitutionalists and advocates of despotism, and accompany Mohammad Ali Shah; the shift that at the one hand encouraged the Shah to murder and suppress constitutionalists, and at the other hand caused Sheikh to be on trial and execute. But during Islamic Republic reign, another representation had been presented against the representation. The research problem is that in the era of Islamic Republic which and why representations of Sheikh Fazlollah Noori personality did replace the noted representation in historiography of constitutionalism discourse? For this problem, Critical Discourse Analysis Method, specially Wodak’s Discourse Historical Approach, is applied. Findings show that in the period of Islamic Republic, influenced by social-political context which characterized as anti-monarchy, anti-West and Gharbzadegi (Westernized), anti-imperialism and anti-intellectual, Sheikh Fazlollah Noori was represented as a great and positive character who was independent, advocate of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist) and Islamic government, and obviously opposite of monarchy and West-struck-ness, like all clergymen resisted ceaselessly against colonization and despotism, and died a martyr in this way.

Revolutionary parties interpreted educational Equity as statization of educational centers and elimination of private education centers and institutions because of domination of Socialism discourse in the first years of the Islamic Republic reign. However, despite this interpretation, gradually since 1982 a struggle against governmental higher and public education was began, and educational Equity was interpreted to privatize education centers and institutions. While this was in conflict contrast with the first perception of revolutionaries on educational Equity as well as policies of Mir Hossein Mousavi's leftist state. Therefore, the problem of this research is that what conditions and process definition and examples of educational Equity were overturned and turned into a problem in the first decade of the Islamic Republic Period? The hypothesis of this study is that domination of Socialism discourse and statism caused to consider educational Equity into thoroughly governmental education at the beginning of the Islamic Republic Period, and increase in population and demand, increasing financial problems of the government engaging in The War, led to discourse turn and tendency to privatizing education and regarding it as educational Equity in the early years of 1980s.
In this research, library research method for data collection and historical research method for data analysis will be used.

In the hectic aftermath of the Allied invasion of Iran and Reza Shah’s abdication the Association of Iran-Soviet Cultural Relations was established with the aim of cultivating amity and common understanding between the two nations, with subsidiary branches later being established in major cities, namely Tabriz, Mashhad, Gorgan, and Isfahan. The Association played a pivotal role in promoting Soviet cultural diplomacy in Iran in the period 1942-1953. Following the coup of 1953 (28Mordad Coup d’etat) the Association’s activities lost momentum and ceased to publish its magazine only a year after its first volume. The Association restarted its activities after a couple of years; however, it only managed to be a shadow of its early years. So far, no research has been conducted on the Association of Iran-Soviet Cultural Relations, thus, the current article has used library and archival sources to study the Association’s establishment, and applied descriptive-analytical method to assess the circumstances under which it declined.

Historiography of Iran has considerably fluctuated from its advent. Indeed, fall and rise of governments have played a significant role in such fluctuation. In other words, the rise of great governments and even local ones led to the advent of historical texts in order to make such governments eternal and give them legitimacy. Undoubtedly, the writing of historical texts depended on such necessity. However, the foundation of Seljuk government in Iran did not led to the spreading of historiography. The available historical texts were produced out of territory of Seljuks and without of their support. In other words, historiography did not spread remarkably in this period. The remaining historical texts were disappeared due to lack of Seljuk consideration for them. Such amazing issue needs to be analyzed. The Present study tries to investigate the reasons of historiography weakness in Seljuk Empire in Iran.