فهرست مطالب dr. ali salari shadi

Providing security for governments is essential and without it any activity is impossible. This matter has gone through different stages throughout history according to the conditions and requirements. In the last five centuries, with the beginning of the new era, maritime security and its presence have played a prominent role in regional and global equations. In the 18th century, after two centuries of efforts by the Europeans, the force and navy played the most important role in providing the security of governments at the international level, which coincided with the extinction of the Safavid government and the formation of the Nadir government. The Safavids did not pay much attention to the sea and the navy, but their successors, including Nader, showed special attention and interest in the establishment of a naval fleet, especially in the Persian Gulf, which was the location of European forces and ships, in spite of many problems and problems. This rare action was surprising considering the lack of any Iranian navy and its requirements in the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea. Now the problem is why Nader showed so much interest and attention to the navy? Was he trying to establish maritime and coastal security or did he have higher goals, such as confronting the naval fleet of other countries, including European countries, at the regional or international level? Investigations indicate that all that rare effort was not only for providing coastal security or dealing with a few local rebellions, but was pursuing a broader perspective at the regional and international levels. It is clear that the research method will be based on descriptive data collection and analysis and criticism of those data with an analytical approach in order to explain the problem.

Official historians are often part of the government and their writings reflect the views and policies of the ruling system. They usually try to present a narrative that is consistent with the government’s thinking and attitudes. However, as far as the official historians of Afshariya are concerned, the matter was complicated by the political and religious complications, the fall of the Safavid dynasty and the rule of Mahmud, and the developments that led to the rise of Nader Shah. Moreover, Nader Shah pursued particular and different approaches against the Safavids. Therefore, Afshari historians found themselves in a complicated situation. Therefore, it was difficult for these historians to tell the history of the Safavids and their fall. The problem is, under such difficult circumstances, how did the Afsharian historians portray Nader's relationship with the Safavid legacy and his clashes with the Safavids? The author tries to evaluate the process and method of narration of Afshariya historians about the Safavids in those special and complex conditions with a descriptive and analytical method. The article finally comes to the conclusion that Afshari historians inevitably viewed the Safavid period with suspicion and criticism. Because Nader, who was somewhat coincidentally associated with the heir of the Safavid dynasty, Shah Tahmasb II, was always thinking of dismissing him and whenever there was a suitable opportunity, he challenged the Safavids. Therefore, Afshari historians confirmed Nadir's attitude. They insisted on the correctness of his action against the Safavids and often condemned and blamed the Safavid rule.

Akhundov is one of the first Iranian intellectuals who, despite his traditional education in Iran, under the influence of the intellectual atmosphere of the Caucasus, realized Iran's backwardness and tried to find the roots of Iran's inequality with the Western world. However, he hastily and unresearched discussions. One of the topics he focused on was the reflection on Iran's history and historical past, which he divided into two parts: the ancient golden period and the violent Islamic age. He considered the attack of Muslim Arabs on Iran as one of the causes of these inequalities. Therefore, he took a harsh critical approach towards the Islamic era and unresearchedly put the Samani and Ilkhani regimes in the same row. According to this approach, the main issue of this article what is Akhundzadeh's attitude towards Safavid and how he evaluated and analyzed it. Using a descriptive-analytical method, the author comes to the conclusion that Akhundov emphasizes two special issues: first, superstitions, and secondly, the beginning of a new era in the West and the Iranians' confrontation with it. With these two approaches, Safavid history has gained special importance for him. So that in two dedicated articles "Deceptive Stars (Youssef Shah)" and "Criticism of Soroush Esfahani's Poems and Ancestors" he has discussed the history of the Safavid dynasty, their thoughts and government. Compared to other post-Islamic dynasties, he has made many more criticisms of the Safavid dynasty. As far as most of his criticisms of the Islamic period are implicitly directed at Safavid.

During the reign of Nader Shah Afshar, one of the most notable events was the Mughan Council, which is believed to have altered the monarchy. Nader Shah, however, had many objectives, including securing the monarchy for his lineage, distancing himself from the nobles and clan leaders who supported the Safavid dynasty, modernizing internal affairs and taking a particular political and religious stance toward it, forging new alliances, and settling the long-standing dispute with the Ottoman empire. The participation of some of the people in the Mughan Council who were invited for consultation was another crucial factor. The Mughan Council has so many complex issues that its sheer volume obscures its main problem. Why did Nader Shah form the Mughan Council, and what was its primary purpose? What was the need to establish it? Conducting it first was to transfer Safavid's sovereignty to Nader. The historical facts, the process of acquiring power, the unusual circumstance, and the matters brought up before the Mughan Council are irreconcilable with this notion. This process has involved a more significant issue. Nader Shah aimed to expand his territory beyond the Safavid domain, which had a predominantly Sunni population. He also redefined the regulation of internal and external power relations, leading to establishment of the Mughan Council through a complex set of interrelated issues.

Hossein Kia Chalavi is one of the prominent claimants and opponents of Shah Ismail and the Safavid Qazalbash. He can be considered the most powerful Iranian opponent after Agh Quvinlu against the rise of Safavid rule. Eventually, he was able to openly enter the power struggle in the last conflicts of Agh Quvinlu and used various opportunities to expand his political and military power and control to expand his territory. However, these conflicts and power struggles have not been properly assessed. This article tries to evaluate and analyze these issues and answer the question why Shah Ismail and Qazalbash behaved decisively and with indescribable hatred and violence towards him and the inhabitants of his territory. The importance of the issue becomes clear when we know that the Safavid historians have passed the war of Chalavi and Qizilbash with vagueness and generalities, and contemporary researchers have rarely mentioned this prominent claimant in the discussion of the formation of the Safavid government. According to the primary sources and their investigations, this article concludes that Hossein Kia Chalavi is one of the prominent and perhaps the only politicalreligious claimants of the Safavid dynasty, whose rule was severely complicated by Shah Ismail. Safavid historians tried to downplay this claim of the government and erase their name and memory from the memories.

Historians' approach to the previous governments and showing the connection of their time with the past is important. The reason is that historians as thinkers reflect part of the common perceptions of their time and this It is very important as an influential intellectual and cultural trend. Historians can evaluate the achievements of past governments and compare them with their eras. One of these historians is Reza Qali-khan Hedayat, who wrote the book Rouza-al-Safayi Naseri under the subtitle of Roza-al-Safayi Mirkhandan. In this work, the history of the final periods of the Timurids until the end of the Nasrid era, including the Turkoman, Safavid, Afsharid, Zandi, and Qajar, has been narrated. Considering that a part of this book is about the Safavid government, this article discusses the way Hedayat - the famous Qajar historian - narrates the Safavid and the connection between the Safavid and Qajar governments. The research shows that, unlike most of the historians before him, instead of emphasizing the Mongolian descent of the Qajars, Hedayat emphasized the relationship between the Qajars and the Safavids, in such a way that he assumed the Qajars were the succession of the Safavids. Hence, he shows Afsharid and Zandi's governments as less significant.

Transoxiana has special and diverse characteristics that have led to various types of economic livelihoods and the multiplicity of aspects of its material life. It is inferred from geographical writings and historical sources that this region had a high level of economic life and material livelihood, as well as being famous from a scientific and cultural point of view. Long history of human life and urbanization, existence of many productive villages, nomadic life around it, location in a special geographical position in terms of regional and international trade routes, the existence of numerous rivers, fertile soil, the existence of local government and city-government in The total situation had created a level of individual and social well-being as well as a relatively fair distribution of wealth in the region. It is assumed that the economic and material life of Transoxiana enjoyed a certain prosperity. Now this article intends to examine the various aspects of the economic activity of the diverse transatlantic material life in the interconnected system in order to find out why the issue of high level of material life and prosperous livelihood of the people of this system relies more on primary and primary sources

After the Moghan Council, the concerned eyes of the society were looking forward to the next action, which perhaps after all these tensions and battles, now relying on the monarchy to strengthen internal sovereignty and create political, and economic security and give itself and society a chance to find themselves.  Nader also faced dozens of difficult internal and regional problems that he had to deal with, but he unbelievably prepared a difficult trip to India, which, given the structure of the young Afshari government, made the military campaign against India seem simple and esoteric. He found it risky and challenging, and seriously damaged the foundations of his rule. The main issue of the present study is to examine the role, impact and consequences of Nader's invasion of India during his rule. It also investigates how and why that attack affected many aspects of his rule and affected its decline and dissolution. Why Nader's invasion of India hastened the collapse of his rule? This study uses library resources and implements a descriptive and and explanatory approach. The results reveals that Nader's invasion of India had far-reaching consequences for him, and that his demise and fall had a profound effect on his relations with his family, commanders, troops, and peasant.

In the history of safavid family, from the death of Sadr al-Din to the advent of Jonaid from two Safavid sheikhs, called KhajehAli andshikh Ibrahim. Safavid and non-Safavid sources, including the sources of Timurid, do not have the same content in their lives. But contemporary researchers have tried for some reason to define actions for them. This article seeks to discuss the reason for this issue, as well as the type and nature of the actions and actions of the Shaikh, who, despite the claims of contemporary scholars, have had a claim that has been the subject of the movement and the continuity of the movement? If they have been active, what more are they about issue? Are there any evidence of these claims.In this regard, in order to answer these questions .This article has two approaches. First, the retrieval of the real status of these two members of the Safavid family. secondly, Second, it rejects the writings of contemporary scholars Because their content is not documentary.

Ethnic nationalism has become a tool in the hands of European colonial powers to promote ethnicity, oppose Islam, and undermine the unity of the peoples of the Islamic world. The seventeenth to the nineteenth century had a very significant impact on the political and cultural image of the dominant countries of the world. With the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty, Reza Khan sought to provide a stable political legitimacy for his government by adopting the ideology of nationalism and patriotism. A cursory look at the nationalist historiography of the last century in Iran shows that this kind of view of history and its use not only did not lead to national unity and pride, but also led to intense ethnicism and sometimes separatism among the Iranian ethnic groups. Which did not exist before in Iran. This article tries to discuss how to use history as a tool to establish Reza Shah's nationalist claims.

The intellectual dough of Asid Mohammad Kasravi was formed during the constitutional movement and under the influence of its ideals. A person who dresses as a clergyman in the first stage of his life, but due to the formation of a series of intellectual events, distances himself from this stage of his life. He experienced two world wars, the constitutional movement and the dictatorship of Reza Shah. His intellectual and research background also made him comment on various issues and think on various issues. Kasravi was one of the intellectuals of the constitutional movement and its ideals, but this movement quickly became authoritarian. Kasravi, who had experienced both spaces, discussed them in his works. The important point is that Kasravi, unlike many critics of Reza Shah, in spite of some negligible criticisms, strongly defended Reza Shah's actions. Subjugation within social institutions provided for personal domination and submission. Kasravi's goal was to validate the nationalist values ​​he sought, which in some of Kasravi's works in this regard followed his unifying nationalism. And it has no territorial integrity, and local power is a rebellious power.

eastern orientalists (Russians) have different thoughts and ideas rather than the west ones about Mongol period. These east scholars (mostly Russians) have special views on historical events for various reasons, which in many cases differ and sometimes contradict the views of Western scholars. Despite the importance of the work of Russian scholars on the Mongol period, their research has characteristics such as: superficial and personalized approaches, exaggeration, prejudice, proposing specific analytical forms, justification, etc. Meanwhile, Barthold, the Russian author of the famous book “Turkestannameh”, although he is among the east scholars, but his views and attitudes are somewhat different from them, and in some cases his views are closer to those of Western scholars. However, this article seeks to discuss Barthold's different position and for the Mongol invasion and how they continue. The research method in this research will be based on critique and comparison.

In general, in the tradition of the Safavid dynasty and sovereignty, many former members of this family, who were known as the Safavid Mashayekh, from Sheikh Safi to Shah Ismail, were treated with considerable respect and they had a semi-sacred position. However, among the members of this family, Sheikh Jafar Safavi, the son of Khajeh Ali, had a special, unique, and distinct situation. This member of the Safavid family not only had discarded from all Safavid historical-narrative and dynastic-governmental traditions but was clearly referred resentfully. Although, this Safavid sheikh has been highly considered by contemporary governments and he has been particularly respected. Moreover, he is referred in a very favorable and respectful tone in contemporary Timurid and Turkmen historical sources. Therefore, there is a special contradiction in this matter. Safavid literary and historical sources have described this hostile standing against him with great ambiguity and exaggeration. They pointed out the opposition of Sheikh Jafar to the succession of Junayd. The sources also discussed the role of Jahanshah Qaraqviyunlu in this matter with special partiality to the extent that Junayd's departure from Ardabil has been attributed to him. Considering these contradictions and ambiguities, does the claim of Safavid sources and traditions about the succession and legitimacy of Junayd have a basis in reality? Has Sheikh Jafar really committed deconstructive acts in the Safavid family? Hence, this article aims to study the status and position of this Safavid sheikh as well as the reasons and the ways of his confrontation with Junayd and the associated consequences.

Several scholars have investigated the religious situation of the Mongol era. Each of them, in their own opinion, sometimes cited, and some by prejudice and according to their particular tendencies, have paid attention to it. However, in order to understand the nature of religion and religious politics in the Mongol period, considering the conditions and requirements of the Mongol invasion, it is necessary to examine the views and opinions of different scholars, in order to determine the approaches of this research to this issue, and the reasons and how Such processes will be clear. On the other hand, the comparative and comparative evaluation of the opinions of these researchers and their assessment of "classical documents" and "historical evidence" can undoubtedly be important in this understanding and approach. Therefore, the present research analyzes the comparison and evaluation of the views of Spuler (as one of the Western scholars in the Mongol history) with the views and attitudes of the Russian scholars on the state of religion in the Mongol era, seeking to answer this main question. What is the analytical perspective on the Mongolian religious situation consistent with reality? The research method in this study will be based on comparative analysis

As long as the researchers of the Safavid history and concerned , the name of Roger Mervyn Savory is a historian whose name is well known and Familier ti all.He is an a author whose name has repeatedly been a led in the majority of works full of replicas in the Safavid history. His career has led Safavids studies, especially in Iran, under his control, and the Iranian and Orientalism in this field repeatedly Cite him. In the minds of some researchers, Savory is known as a powerful researcher and distinguished Safavidologist, and he has even become himself a reference point for the Safavid history. He has also been Induction by such frequent and repeated writings about himself. However, his accurate and impartial examination of his writings does not prove it. His most important writings are based on the book of the history of the Alamara-i Abbasimi, which was complemented by other researchers of contemporaries. His information and views on the history of the Safavids are one-sided and influenced by the official Safavid sources, and are supposedly exaggerated. This article aims to prove some sources of Savory 's insight in a documented way that his writings are non-investigative. He has more to transcribe the sources of Safavid history.

Land of the Arabic Maghreb and Andalusia are parts of the land of the famous Traditional Islamic world. These areas have been deeply influenced by Islam and Islamic culture. North Africa was eventful on an extremely large scale. The region, because of its extent and geographical situation and also staying far from the Central and Eastern Islamic lands was impressed by Kharijites, Ismailis, Alavis, who influenced Berber tribes and caused numerous developments. They founded the first big government which was independent of the Abbasid Caliphate. However, the history of this region was not well expressed in the works of Historians of Central and Eastern Islamic lands. Perhaps only Ibn al-Athir has tried to express the events and developments in Arabic Maghreb and Andalusia. He has criticized Tabari on having less attention to the history of this area. The problem is that Ibn al-Athir has not mentioned his historical sources about this region. This article, by the means of comparing, is about to introduce a number of sources on Islamic Maghreb events that were used by Ibn al-Athir.

Ibn al-Athir al-Kamil renowned historian and author book al-Kamil ,two decades since the end of his life were spent and contemporary with the Mongol invasion. He is perhaps the first reporter horrendous attack Mogul was at the same age. His report of the Mongol invasion of its own originality, combined with a topping of assessment and analysis that is fraught with pain database. However, Ibn al-Athir both as an important source closer, as well as for historians of the Ilkhanid and Mongol invasion could be, While historians Ilkhanid certain reluctance about him However, it plans to investigate reports by Ibn al-Athir first Mongol invasion of his evaluation of the position, for he's the historians Ilkhanid Historians do not like his.. And that in spite historians Ilkhanid near the Ibn al-Athir when he describes how to avoid this type of relationship is relatively complex Gzydnd.ba patriarch historians as well as their reluctance to Ibn al-Athir will be discussed. The purpose of this paper is to discuss it

How and why dynasties are established and also what their structure and nature are like are among the most significantly discussed issues in historical thinking and reviews. As a rule explanation and explication of the process of dynasty establishment arenot a simple task variables. These variables are not easy to detect and observe. Thay need to be narrowly، deeply، specifically، and thoroughly studied. why the Sfavid dynasty was established and what its process of development was like are of course no exception this general rule. Different and sometimes opposing ideas have been proposed for and how the safavid dynasty was established. this arises not only from the fact that certain historical researchers have resorted to forage some reasons for the establishment of the safavid dynasty، but also from the fact that same other researcher have intentionally ignored certain facts. About the foundation of the safavid this study attempts to make a comparison and contract of the content of these views on the base of the content of these views. It also tries to evaluate and attest their claims on the basis of the objective facts dominant in the safavid dynasty.

Religious policy of the Abbasid caliph Motavakkell during his reign, as an Abbasid caliph, had his own authority. Abbasid era put an end to Motazele. Nevertheless, Motazele movement was strengthened due to fanatic support of previous caliphs. Mo‘tavakkel due to his intelligence avoided the challenge in the way of previous caliphs, however Turks became more powerful and their increasing power posed achallenge. They actually gained power during the period of Mo‘tasam government. Turks themselves played an important role in Motasam’s saccession to the throne. However Motavakke managed to control their power and lost his life doing so. In an atmosphere like this, his murderers to justify his assassination, started publicizing against him and called Motavakkel Nasebi. Nevertheless, his behaviuor with Alavis was not so bitter and harsh to prove the idea of him being Nasebi. The writer, while surveying different aspects of Motavakkel’s behaviuor and his religious policy, tries to present a better and real picture of Motavakkel.

The relations between Iran and China, as two ancient civilizations, possess a long and old antecedent. These relations had been perceived on different levels such as, political, economic, cultural and other fields. However the mentioned relations had never been maintained in a harmonized manner. And sometimes have experienced some changes. In 7th century (A.H) both Iran and China were exposed to Mongolians’ attack. New atmosphere was appeared over the relations of both countries right after the completion of the conquest of Iran and China and the establishment of ancestral government of Mongols (Ilkhanian in Iran and Juan in China), so that these relations had been apparently hit the pick of its exaltation. The results and the background of the expanding of these relations will be investigated in the following essay.

Though thoughts and ideas of Ibn Khaldun had special originality and innovation with numerous creative subjects, there is no doubt that some of these issues are under the influence of preceding thoughts and there are some commonalities between his thoughts and those of preceding Muslim scholars. One of the predecessors who influenced Ibn Khaldun was Ibn Athir, the writer of al-Kāmil, who had a spark of historical thoughts in his work. Ibn Khaldun had been impressed by Ibn Athir in al-Kitābu l-ibār, but he did not mention him in the introduction (Muqaddimah known as Prolegomena) of his book. The aim of this article is to signify the influence of Ibn- Athir on Ibn Khaldun and discuss the issue of Ibn Khaldun’s silence on Ibn Athir’s influence in his works.

The era of Sadradin Mosa Safavi (1334-1389) coincided with disintegration of the Ilkhanid dynasty and the start of the Fatrat period one of the most important periods in which the Safavid family tried to preserve and expand their properties and possessions resorting to popular actions like building Sufis’ House and monastery. During this period not only Sadrodin made conscious efforts to expand the properties and possessions of his family but also to use various policies, like claiming to be a Sayyed, the publication of the book Safavat al-Safā, and a building mausoleum, had outstanding achievements. In fact we should call him the builder and architect of the Safavid family. By his popular efforts in that period he could depict the feudal society as a Sufi-like one. Hence Safavid feudalism fall into oblivion. Subsequently the family got closely related to Sufism and mysticism. In this respect using different forms and orientations of Sufism the dynasty tried to hide its feudalism and tried to make disciples for itself. Among these were the unfounded claims for mentor and disciple relation between Sadradin and Qasem-e Anvār. The article presented tries to survey the claims for such relationship between Sadradin and Qasem-e Anvār and to investigate relations actions and measures taken by Sadradin.

Ibn khaldun’s introduction is undoubtedly replete with profound ideas and innovative andingenious outlooks. Howeve,r the attitudes and insights of those Moslems preceding himhave been given due heed in his analyses because Ibn khaldun’s Mogadammeh(Introduction) relied on facts. As a case in point, Ibn khaldun has praised Masoudi quiteextensively in this Mogadammeh, so far as to refer to his own work. As successive to andhence inspired by Masoudi’s. Nonetheless, the question is why Ibn khaldun has mentionedMasoudi, among other Moslem historians, as his quintessential model, and which ofMasoudi’s intellectual and professional attributes has given rise to his being chosen as amodel by Ibn khaldun. On the other hand, in some other case, Ibn khaldun has severelycriticized and even refuted Masoudi’s orientation. All in all, it might be said that it was thestructure of Morouj-o-al-zahab and praticulaurly Masoudi’s journies and its geographicaldiscussion- which by themselves had formed the foundation of his historical argumentationthatgave rise to Ibn khaldun’s infatuation by Masoudi. Ibn khaldun’s criticism of Masoudi,however, regards those issues that are thought to be beyond his knowledge of ‛omran.’ Apartfrom these two opposing views toward different Masoudi analytical approaches are takentoward the similar issues attended to by both authors. This difference of orientation is owingto the intricate composition of the Mogadammeh and Morouj-o-al-zahab, as well as thecontrast in their attitudes.

In The spread of rational branches of knowledge and Islamic Culture, 3rd century A.H. Iun. is one of the most brilliant periods in the history of Islamic Civilization. Such brilliance is of course indebted to the endeavor of numerous scholars.One such scholar is Ibn Ghutaybah Dinawari, the writer of tens of different books in Islamic fields, adab (secular erudition literature) and historiography. Among Ibn Ghutaybah's works there are several significant historical volumes such as íyun Al-Akhbar (Book of Choice narratives), Al-Maarif (Book of Knowledge) etc. Because of the author's prominent scholarly character and the volume's antiquity, these books are ranked among the most important historical sources on the political, cultural, and military conditions of the first three Islamic centuries and even before.In this short essay, Ibn Ghutaybah's life and his history-related works are briefly dealt with.