فهرست مطالب mahdi javdani moghaddam

The purpose of the present research is to study effective criteria on Russia’s policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East after Arab revolutions. In this regard, the main research question of the current study is: what factors have led Russia to adopt a balanced policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East during 2011-2020? Moreover, the research relies on the hypothesis that during that the above time period, Russia, on the one hand, assisted Shi’ite groups led by Iran to fight against excommunication (Takfiri) terrorism, and on the other hand, expanded its relations with Sunni Muslim countries in order to prevent stimulation of religious fundamentalism in its Muslim republics. The current study which was conducted by a descriptive analytic method in the theoretical framework of constructivism, presents a rather distinctive analysis of the essence of Russia’s relations with middle eastern Islamic countries after Arab revolutions. The results indicate that since Arabic revolutions in 2011 and formation of new groups in the regional and international level in the Middle East, especially the Syrian crisis that initiated a new stage in Russia’s relations with the Islamic world, Moscow has attempted to adopt a balanced policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East to remove the danger of Islamic extremism, avoid tension with those countries and reinforce relationship with them. Therefore, it is expected that Russia highlights the role of Islam in its foreign policy and that Russian politicians show more interest in constructive collaboration with middle eastern Islamic countries.

Following the Arab revolutions of 2011 and the formation of new arrangements in the political and security equations of the Middle East, Russia tried to pursue a balanced policy towards Islamic countries while avoiding tensions with them. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the factors affecting Russia's foreign policy towards the Islamic world after the Arab revolutions of 2011 and to answer the question: What are the main components of Russia's foreign policy towards the Islamic world, especially in relation to Countries of the Middle East region? The main hypothesis that has been tested is Russia's foreign policy towards the Islamic world, especially after the Arab revolutions in the Middle East, to fight religious fundamentalism, to avoid entering the Shiite-Sunni religious divide, and to try to improve Russia's image. Among Sunni Islamic societies, religion has taken root. In the present paper, a descriptive-analytical method and in the form of a theoretical framework of constructivism, a relatively different analysis of the nature of Russia's relations with the Islamic world in the period after the Arab revolutions in 2011-2020 was presented.

Middle East states, especially monarchies, have always faced diverse crises including legitimacy. Domestic instability and regional unrests can be considered as the consequences of these crises, and Coronavirus pandemic will cause to deepen the crises sharply at various arenas (Problem Statement). The current article seeks to answer the question of how the Coronavirus crisis has changed power arrangements and nature of governance in Middle East political systems and what are its possible consequences. We have had a descriptive-analytical approach and utilized library and Internet sources to collect data (method). It seems that previous crises in Middle East countries have been intensified under the impact of global coronavirus crisis at economic, political and social levels and we can say briefly that coronavirus has led to intensify crisis environment in the Middle East (hypothesis). In order to prove the the hypothesis, the present article describes identity, legitimacy, political participation, penetration and convergence in the the pre- and post-corona era in these societies and examines the impact of the coronavirus crisis on internal structures, power relations and foreign interactions of these countries. Research findings reveal that Coronavirus crisis, among other factors, is likely to strengthen authoritarianism in monarchies, expand nationalist tendencies, deepen the nation-state divides, and widen the gap between rich and poor states in the Middle East (Results).

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the collapse of the communist development model and the rise of authoritarian presidential regimes in Central Asian societies, a number of internal and external factors disrupted the process of establishing democratic institutions and developing democracy in these societies. Subsequently, the phenomenon of religious extremism in the five newly independent republics became a concern for governments in the region. On the other hand, with the outbreak of the Arab revolutions and its consequences in the Middle East, the similarities of some similarities between the Arab societies and the Central Asian societies created the ground for the inspiration of these regions from the mentioned revolutions. In this context, the present article has tried to use Jack Snyder's theory of participation to study the resurgence of religion as a phenomenon resulting from contemporary political development, the main feature of which is to increase the demand for political participation of the masses. And transnational The activities of social and transnational forces through the channel of governments to assess how these factors relate to each other and their impact on the growth of religious extremism in Central Asian societies.

Among the main western power, Germany is the only government that have not left a colonial or domineering record in Iranian historical memory, in the last quarter of Qajar’s political life, throughout the Pahlavi era and during the last four decades of the Islamic Republic of Iran, expanding relations with German have always been one of the Iran’s foreign policy priorities. Decoding the reason of the continuation of historical relations between the two countries, have always been one of the main concerns of international relations scholars. The purpose of this article is to thoroughly examine the political relations between Iran and Germany, after the Islamic revolution in spite of the ideological confrontation between Iran and west. Based on this fact, the main question of this article is how Germany, despite of the intense lobbying of the United States and Israel, have led EU foreign policy toward engagement with Iran. Given the inspiration of this research, from the theory of the balance of power of relation in the analysis of German-Iranian relations, the research method used is also a descriptive analytical one. According to the reasoning of this research in response to the main questions is that Germany have been able to lead by applying some form of balance policy to pursue its geopolitical interests in developing relations with Iran and adhering to its transatlantic obligations to the U.S. and its historical responsibility for Israel, have been able to take the lead in EU foreign policy in engaging Iran.

Political freedom is one of the key concepts of political science and one of the basic needs in civil and political law. However, numerous interpretations have been provided by scholars, philosophers, political elites, policymakers, international conventions and treaties on its dimensions and nature, which in some cases have been accompanied by serious conflicts. In the meantime, scientific and theoretical controversy has been raised, since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, over the issue of political freedom in Iran. Recently, this controversy has been intensified, therefore, achieving a comprehensive definition of political freedom within the framework of Islamic principles by focusing on the ethics and Sira’ah of the ahl al-bayt is necessary. Therefore, this article seeks to answer the question of what are the foundations and requirements of political freedom in Imam Ali's thought and Sira’ah? The findings of this article indicate that the origin of political freedom is available in two intertwined popular and divine areas which focus on freedom of thought and expression, public participation, the rule of law, monitoring the government and freely criticizing its functioning, political tolerance, and human dignity and are among the requirements of political freedom in the thought and Sira’ah of Alawite.

Iranophobia is the hyperreality or representation of Iran’s reality in international relations. With the Baudrillard’s postmodern attitude, we can consider this phenomenon as one of the examples of displacement of the boundary of reality and representation, which was put on the agenda of the West, especially the United States, after the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran as a political project. Accordingly, Iranophobia was formed influenced by the cultural nature of the Islamic Revolution and its focus on the soft aspects of power and the reflection of the Islamic Revolution in the international relations and possible challenges to the interests of the West, especially in the Middle East region. Thus, in a short period time of after the Revolution, many of the concepts and developments of Iran’s foreign and domestic politics, including the policy of issuing the revolution, Iran’s support for liberation movements and causes, the Iraqi imposed war on Iran, the human rights issue, Iran’s attempt to achieve military-defensive capabilities, etc. were interpreted with a reverse approach to their reality. This article tried to explain the dimensions and forms of Iranophobia and its consequences in the international relations by analyzing the backgrounds and roots of Iranophobia.

Several solutions have been so far planned and performed in the realm of diplomacy in order to solve the crisis of Palestine; however, none of them have led to the solution of this crisis. Leaving Gaza, peace, and formation of an independent Palestinian government with limited sovereignty are among such attempts. (History) In the present article, by using theories of futures study in the framework of Peter Schwartz's theory, the impact of the proposed viewpoint of the Supreme Leader (i.e. referendum and arming the West Bank) on the future of the Zionist Regime is investigated. The question is: What is the impact of the Supreme Leader's viewpoint on the future of Israel? (Question) Population growth and return of Palestinians change the balance of population to the benefit of Palestinians and armed Intifadah in the West Bank will be the main security threats of Israel in the coming decades. (Hypothesis)
Presenting these two strategic viewpoints by the Supreme Leader aims at protecting the oppressed nation of Palestine against Western and Arab plans which are presented in order to recognize and maintain the security and survival of the Zionist Regime. (Objective) By using the scenario method, the present paper investigates the impact of the viewpoint of the Supreme Leader on the survival or collapse of Israel and fulfillment of the rights of Palestinians. (Methodology) These two futuristic viewpoints can be regarded as the main reasons of hastening the collapse of the Zionist Regime. (Finding)

One of the foundations of democracy as government of the people, by the people and for the people is emphasizing the involvement of people in the construction fate of the society and its political system. In this context, although from past democratic governments have tried through various forms such as free elections or a referendum, to ensure the people role in policy making But as they seek to understand the opinions and views of people in the community and their needs and priorities and the direction of public opinion have emerged. So, the survey as a tool to assess the state of public opinion as the pulse of the society have been common and several surveys and specialized agencies have also been established. However, with the use of Foucault's view on the relationship between knowledge and power can be seen the trying some of these institutions in making the opinion. In this article, the most important poll of some prestigious institutions regarding the developments of the Middle East - regardless of polls or their making the opinion - mentioned.