فهرست مطالب majid ostovar

Throughout Iran's history, there has always been a confrontation between the central government and the tribes and nomads. The central government aimed to dominate the tribes, while simultaneously relying on their military capabilities. Tribal leaders held significant military power, resulting in a close relationship between them and the central government. In Kurdish regions, power had historically been distributed among various centers, including influential families, tribes, and chieftains. Following the Constitutional Revolution and World War I, the dispersion of power and the emergence of new claimants reached unprecedented levels, minimizing the central government's influence. With the rise of Reza Khan and the increasing military strength of the government, effortsto expand central authority and suppress traditional power centers, including in Kurdish areas, became a priority. The fundamental question of this research is why the early Pahlavi government pursued the sedentarization of nomads (the policy of Takht-e Qapu) in Kurdistan, and what impact this policy had on state-building during this period. The present study aims to examine the effect of the implementation of the Takht-e Qapu policy, disarmament, and the reduction of tribal power in creating a centralizedand powerful government, with a focus on the suppression of Kurdish tribes. The findings indicate that the implementation of the Takht-e Qapu policy during the early Pahlavi period resulted in the disarmament and reduction of tribal power, leading to the formation of a centralized and powerful government in Kurdistan. Conversely, violent actions against the tribes intensified the people's aversion to the government. This research has been conducted using a descriptive and historical analysis method.

Today, many studies have been conducted about the Islamic Revolution, and each of these studies has tried to examine the Iranian Revolution from a new perspective, but there is no consensus among researchers about the conditions for the victory of this revolution. The Iranian revolution, like other great revolutions, had significant effects both inside and outside. This revolution occurred during the Cold War and the bipolar international system and Iran's dependence on the Western camp led by the United States of America. The collapse of the Pahlavi regime raises the question of what force was able to transform Iranian society and how did Iranian intellectuals such as Jalal Al Ahmad and Ali Shariati play a role in creating a revolutionary ideology? This hypothesis is proposed for research that Jalal Al Ahmad and Ali Shariati, by focusing on the revival of local and religious traditions and creating symbolic capital, provided the grounds for the formation of a revolutionary ideology in Iranian society. To prove the hypothesis of the research, the symbolic capital theory of Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist, is used. The findings show that by producing the symbolic capital of Shia Islam, Iranian intellectuals succeeded in providing a revolutionary ideology to confront the Pahlavi regime and realize the victory of the Islamic Revolution under the leadership of Imam Khomeini.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, the series of actions of the United States in the expansion of NATO in the peripheral regions of Russia caused Russia's political and military provocation and the formation of this country's aggressive policy in the Eurasian region, such as the crisis in Ukraine. many believe that this invasion has also dealt a heavy blow to Russia due to the financial sanctions and logistical support of the European Union and the United States. An event that can lead to a serious conflict between Russia and the United States and the war in Ukraine will be worn out. The current research is trying to answer the question of what effect did Russia's war against Ukraine have on American hegemony? The proposed hypothesis is that the war between Russia and Ukraine in 2022, due to the conflict of interests of Russia with the United States and its allies, especially geopolitical dominance over Ukraine, will become an arena for the decline of the American liberal hegemony. The aim of the upcoming research is to investigate the effect of Russia's war against Ukraine on the American liberal hegemony from the perspective of hegemonic stability theory. The research method is also an explanatory method that focuses on finding cause and effect relationships between the research variables to understand the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and its impact on the hegemony of the United States.

Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, “Abbas Mirza”, the war commander and Qajar crown prince, decided to increase Iran's military power by hiring military, medical and technical experts from Europe and sending a number of Iranian students to the West. As a result, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts from Europe were the first actions of the crown prince to modernize Iran. So, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts were among the first actions of the Crown Prince for modernization in Iran. The link between Iran's modernization and westernization created consequences and opposition in the country, and the traditional and religious system of education in Iran did not reflect it, and Iran's modernization faced complex obstacles. After “Abbas Mirza”, the other efforts of Iranian reformers in modernizing and reforming education in Iran continued with the establishment of “Daral-Funu”, School of Political Sciences, Missionary and “Rushdieh” schools until the formation of the constitution in 1906. But Iran could not benefit from a modern government and a coherent education system. This goal was postponed until the establishment of an absolute government during Reza Shah's period, and it was with the emergence of his government that the modernization of Iran in various dimensions with a focus on modern education became the fundamental goal of the new government. So far, many Researches have examined the performance of the first Pahlavi government and his modernization policies in Iran, but the studies have mainly focused on the government's identity building policy and less attention has been paid to the mutual effects of modernization and modern education in Iranian society. By examining the studies, the distinction and innovation of the current research is the explanation of modernization and education in the first Pahlavi government by relying on the theory of elitism. Based on this, the current research has tried to discuss and investigate the educational policies and measures of the first Pahlavi government, considering the cultural trends of modernization, such as the expansion of educational institutions and bureaucracy, nationalism and secularism. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to analyze the modernization and education in the first Pahlavi period and the fundamental change of Iranian society. The main question of the current research is; what changes did the performance of Reza Shah's government in the field of modernizing the educational system bring about in Iran? In order to investigate this issue, the current research has been investigated through descriptive and historical analysis. Historical analysis is a method that examines past records and documents to understand the past. In this research, by examining the actions and historical documents of the first Pahlavi government, an attempt has been made to analyze the modernization and educational policies of this period. As the findings of the research show, the constitutional failure in the formation of the centralized government of Iran was the basis for the emergence of the Pahlavi I absolute government and Reza Shah's authoritarian modernization in the country. Focusing on the political and military forces and the structure of the army, court and bureaucracy under modernization from above, his government started measures to transition Iran from traditional to capitalist and modern. One of the most important actions of this authoritarian modernization was the expansion of education in Iran. Accordingly, education in Iran during the first Pahlavi period was not only based on learning science, but had a dual function. On the one hand, the formation of citizens interested in the land of Iran in the direction of serving the country and loyalty to the king and the political system was considered, and on the other hand, the educational structure of the country in the service of modernizing the administrative apparatus in order to supply the strength of the newly established bureaucracy, nationalism, secularism and Westernization was placed. Although this view strengthened the central and inclusive government in Iran, the country's education system faced many challenges that continued for decades. The modern educational system, like the traditional educational system, relied on maintaining a large amount of information and strengthening memory and theoretical sciences that prepared citizens for administrative and managerial positions. As a result, since the beginning of the establishment of this educational system, we have witnessed quantity instead of quality and the efforts of graduates to gain status and prestige in the government and society. In such an arrangement, the cultivation of people with critical rationality and demanding citizenship is not considered, and the school, as a man-making factory, finds the task of making people in line with the ideological beliefs of the ruling regime. Emphasizing this demand, Reza Shah asked students and graduates to be obedient and patriotic people who serve the ideals of the political system. Because the first Pahlavi modernization lacked flexibility and acceptance of reforms from below, and with modernization from above, he followed educational policies in Iran and spread Pahlavi ideology in the society in this way. This ideological construction was indifferent to religious and local traditions and focused on the combination of Iranism and secularism in order to build a new Iran. On this basis, the new educational system was also used to build the ideology of modernization from above and did not pay attention to the educational functions and its compatibility with the local conditions of the Iranian society.

After the constitutional revolution and the failure to create a powerful central government, Iranian intellectuals from the 1290s onwards supported the emergence of Reza Khan by presenting new ideas and emphasizing absolute modernism. Less than four decades later, another generation of intellectuals during the 1940s and 1950s played an irreplaceable role in the social mobilization against the Pahlavi government with an intellectual turn from Westernism to traditionalism. The aim of the present study is to analyze the reason for the intellectual turn of Iranian intellectuals from Westernism to traditionalism in the middle of two revolutions. Therefore, in response to the reason for the intellectual turn of Iranian intellectuals, this hypothesis is investigated that the intellectuals of the 1290s in response to the constitutional failure and the intellectuals of the 1340s in response to the absolute modernism of the West chose two different approaches, Westernism and traditionalism. In this research, the hypothesis has been proved by taking advantage of the inherent characteristic of intellectuals and explaining their origin in the middle of two revolutions. The current research is of the "descriptive-analytical research" type in terms of implementation method and it has used library studies to collect information and data.

The Islamic Revolution, under the influence of Imam Khomeini's thoughts and the Velayat Faqih Theory, had a profound impact on the region of West Asia and North Africa. The performance of Islamic movements and the intellectual axis of resistance in the last half century has been influenced by the Velayat Faqih Theory and the reflection of the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, the purpose of the present research is to investigate how resistance is formed in the Middle East and to analyze how the “Velayat Faqih” Theory has an effect on the thought of resistance in the Middle East. The question of the current research is, how has the “Velayat Faqih” Theory influenced the nations of the region and caused the formation of resistance? (Question) The present research method is qualitative and its approach is political sociology. (the method). The findings of the research show that Imam Khomeini relied on the “Velayat Faqih” Theory and the three basic principles of justice, paying attention to the opinions and opinions of the people (democracy). And confronting the despots of the world against the oppressed through soft power in the spontaneous formation of resistance nuclei, and after the expansion of the axis of resistance, the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran have been secured in the Middle East region. (Findings)

One of the features of the war was Imam Khomeini's amazing performance in the field of political and military struggle and the fighters accompanying him. The purpose of the research is to examine the special role of Imam Khomeini in the management of the Iran-Iraq war. So, the fundamental question of the research is how Imam Khomeini influenced the Iranian fighters and on what components was his leadership based in the war? In order to answer this question, the research hypothesis based on Imam Khomeini's performance based on symbolic power on the battlefield has been considered.Research

The research methodology is qualitative and the present study has been studied based on the historical method.

Findings show that Imam Khomeini, relying on symbolic language and power and using the symbols of Shiite Islam during the eight years of warwith the Iraq regime, mobilized the people and maintained security for Iran.

Imam Khomeini, with special language and personality characteristics, using Shia symbols such as martyrdom, Imam Hussein and Velayat, made the political and social field of war symbolic and extraterrestrial, and the people supported him through the symbolic power of the Imam. As a result, the battlefield became one of the most symbolic historical periods of the in Iran.

The Islamic Revolution of 1979 created a vast transformation in Iranian society, the politics of great powers and Islamic countries, and caused the formation of effective regional symbols in the Islamic world. The aim of the current research is to study the symbolic features of the Islamic Revolution and its reflection in the Islamic world.   Therefore, the main question of the research is how the symbolic dimensions of the Islamic Revolution were created and under what codes were they reflected in the Islamic world?
For the answer, by using the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's theory of symbolic sociology, an attempt was made to show with historical evidence and documents how influential symbols were created during the revolution, and in the continuation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with the continuation of the reflection of these symbols in The Islamic world continues the discourse of the Islamic revolution. The findings of the research show that Iran's Islamic Revolution has provided the conditions for the consolidation of symbolic domination over the Islamic world by offering symbolic goods such as political Islam, martyrdom, rituals, independence and resistance. The method of the article is "descriptive-analytical research" and has been used to collect information and data through library studies.

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the political independence of the country under the leadership of Imam Khomeini, the performance of the new political elites found a fundamental difference with the policies of the Pahlavi regime .More than four decades after the revolution and the implementation of six development programs in the country and the formation of economic and political challenges, such as inflation, unemployment, increasing liquidity, financial crisis of pension funds, budget deficit, corruption, elite political conflicts and international sanctions, the Regulatory Quality has been in the spotlight of experts. Therefore, according to the general policies of the system, the main question in this study is that what effect does government policy on the quality of governance in the Iran?In this study, using the theory of the New Patrimonial State of "Francis Fukuyama", the performance of governance in Iran has been studied. Findings show that the Iranian government, relying on special policy-making, is considered as the most important institutional factor in reducing the Regulatory Quality in Iran. This article explains the quality of governance in Iran through a qualitative method and by examining documents.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 criticized many theories of the revolution and again focused research on the revolution on humanities scholars. So far, this revolution has been studied from economic, political, psychological, social classes, cultural and discourse perspectives, and each of them has proposed new perspectives on the study of the Islamic Revolution. One of them is the book "Revolution in Iran: The Roots of Turmoil" which is written by Mehran Kamerva and published in 1990 by Routledge Publications. Combining the sociological theories of the revolution with psychological and political theories and constructing a multidisciplinary approach to the Iranian revolution, he studies the policies of the government and the political field before the revolution and believes that the Pahlavi regime, after limiting economic ambitions. In the late 1970s and the diplomatic pressures of its main ally, the United States began to decay. Thus, groups and social classes disillusioned with modernization, using the open political space and Shiite ideology and leadership of the clergy, found revolutionary characteristics and with the weakness of the Shah and the regime's repressive forces were able to overthrow the Pahlavi government and replace it with a new political system. In this article, an attempt is made to critique the book based on the methodology of phenomenological sociology and the concept of symbolic mentality.

Examining the issue of the rentier government from different perspectives is necessary to understand the functioning of the Pahlavi rentier government. The innovation of the current research is to examine the impact of the rentier government on the change of the political and social field of the 1950s and the construction of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution centered on Imam Khomeini (RA). Therefore, the purpose of this research is to try to explain the influence of the Pahlavi rentier government in the formation of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The main question of the current research is why the Pahlavi II rentier government in Iran failed to implement its development policy and the Islamic Revolution of Iran emerged? In response to the main question of the current research, after theoretical discussions, the development performance of that government in Iran was examined. The findings of the research show that the performance of the rentier Pahlavi government changed the political and social field of the 1950s and the emergence of new political, social and economic demands in the society. Imam Khomeini's revolutionary speech was one of the most important consequences of the rentier government's performance in this decade. The method of qualitative research is done in the way of historical investigation.

Cultural policy is one of the most important tasks of governments in changing society from tradition to modernity. These governments use force to modernize the culture, economy and society. In these governments, intellectual elites play an important role in cultural policy-making and determine the executive agenda of governments. After the establishment of the Pahlavi regime, cultural policy became one of the main programs of political elites in Iran and the intellectual elite provided them with new cultural ideas. The purpose of this study is to critique the cultural policies of the first Pahlavi period from the perspective of intellectual and political elites. Therefore, by studying their writings, an attempt is made to study the cultural characteristics of the Pahlavi regime in the political and cultural modernization of Iran. The results of the study show that Reza Shah's centralization policies were able to establish security in Iran and rule the central government in Iran instead of tribes and nomads. This centralism was the result of the efforts of intellectual elites who emphasized authoritarian nation-building in their writings. Authoritarian modernization in the first Pahlavi period intensified social and political divisions and confrontations between tradition and modernity in the coming decades in Iran. This research is descriptive-analytical and the necessary data have been collected by documentary-historical method

The 1979 Revolution in Iran is one of those great historical events that is linked to the character of Imam Khomeini and without it, one cannot study all aspects of this revolution. For many scholars of the revolution, there is the question of how an elderly personality was able to change the minds of the Iranian people and transform the minds of Iranians with unique characteristics. This article aims to understand the dimensions of Imam Khomeini's influence in the minds of Iranians, requires intellectual knowledge and dimensions of cultural capital. Therefore, this article uses the theory of cultural capital of "Pierre Bourdieu" and the application of the sociological method of phenomenology shows the linguistic and cultural characteristics of Imam Khomeini and the coordinates of the Iranian political field in the formation of comprehensive legitimacy of Imam Khomeini in people and groups. Politics played an important role in the Islamic Revolution. The findings of the study show that Imam Khomeini, using Islamic-Shiite elements against the modernist policies of the Pahlavi regime, mobilized the Iranians in support of revolutionary ideas.

The Central Asian region is one of the areas that, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has been competing and influenced by regional powers, especially Turkey. Over the past two decades, Turkey has begun a massive effort to strengthen its Central Asian region through its cultural, social and economic ties. Accordingly, this article, considering the role of economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital in consolidating power, focuses on the use of symbols by Turkish political elites in expanding foreign relations with Central Asia. The question for the authors of this article is how have Turkey's political elites managed to consolidate their symbolic power over the Central Asian region? To answer this question, we used Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist's theory of symbolic language and power, and suggested the theoretical basis of the paper on this basis. The hypothesis of the article is that the political elites of Turkey used their cultural, economic, social and symbolic capital to increase their influence in Central Asia. Therefore, the recognition of symbolic power and its application in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 in Central Asia is the main objective of this paper. The research findings show that Turkey is seeking to expand its influence in the Central Asian region with its economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital. In this paper, a qualitative research method has been used and the method of data collection has been done by documentary method.

Development in the Islamic Republic of Iran has been studied within the framework of various theories. One of the approaches in this regard is the relationship between the development process and the institutional approach in Iran. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of the ruling elite in the process of development in the Islamic Republic from a different point of view. The reason for this difference is to use the institutionalism approach. So the fundamental question of this study is that the lack of comprehensive development in the Islamic Republic of Iran can be explained in terms of institutionalism? In response to this question, the hypothesis is posed that the struggle of political elites and the existence of a limited and rigid competition system and the absence of inclusive political institutions have led to the lack of a comprehensive development in the Islamic Republic. The hypothesis is discussed in four periods of political elites' performance in shaping the development trend after the victory of the Islamic Revolution and Iran did not receive an acceptable score in terms of institutional efficiency indicators, government quality and political elites, rule of law and corruption control. This paper, Using a Designing Qualitative Research and Through Library Studies, Attempts to Identify the Problems of Development Formation in Iran.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran has included symbolic aspects. The fundamental question of the article is that, what are the symbolic aspects of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and why the Islamic Republic of Iran has used these features to influence Islamic countries? Since the bearers of the word and the symbolic goods have the most legitimacy in social and political fields, this revolution has influenced Islamic countries through language and spiritual messages. Therefore, the hypothesis of the article was that the Islamic Republic of Iran, having relied on the symbolic aspects of the Islamic Revolution movement, soon passed the geographical boundaries and placed the Muslim world under the influence of the power of Islamic-Shiite symbols. As a result, Iran based on the intellectual and cultural capital of great minds and clerics, and the creation of a symbolic struggle, provided grounds for reflecting the Islamic Revolution in Islamic countries.

This article is aimed to explain transition to democracy by using some concepts of the theory of government elites, especially the notion of "transitional situations in Iran. From such a theoretical perspective one major question arises: what is the role of the government elites and the political field in the transition to democracy in Iran? In order to answer this question, we examined the hypothesis that the process of successful transition to democracy in Iran not only requires political elites who, in terms of structural solidarity and value correlation, are in opposition to the transition from the least harmony, but require a political field in which there exists a number of diverse civil, political, and economic institutions and parties and media. Therefore, from the perspective of the role of the government elites by studying the transition to democracy in the Islamic Republic and discussing the state of transition, its characteristics and factors, the present research tries to explain the relationship between the nature of the government elites and the political field and the transition to democracy in Iran. It tries to present an explanation of the different paths and outcomes of the transition. Thus the research shows that the transitional situation in Iran involves the consolidation of government elites and in order to achieve this, while reviewing the performance of the government elites in Iran, it highlights the main obstacles of the transition to democracy in Iran, and discusses about the ideological government, mass society, and the rentier economy structure.

This Article Reviews the Ancient Symbolic World، Shia Islam and Modernity، Believes that in Iranians Mind are Historical Link between Ancient Symbolic World and Shiea Islam and Since the Late Nineteenth Century with the Modernization for Exampel Civilization Establish، Constitutional Movement and Palavi Government، Gap Created in Iranians Mind. Dispite this Gap، Iranians Mind have Symbolic Characteristics and are not Yet Able to Understand Modernity Symbolic World.

This Article, for the purpose of understanding Iran''s Islamic Revolution formation, has analysed how use of Islamic & Shia Symbols led to revolution''s victory against ancient western symbols. In order to achieve to proper outputs from historical issues, we''ve used conceptual model of French socialgist «Pierre Bourdieu» named symbolic battle & generation of Islamic & Shia symbols against ancient & modern Pahlavi''s symbols is pointed by symbolic power & shown symbolizing groups, i. e intelligents & clergymen in 40''s & 50''s (Shamsi Calender) used these symbols in political field & congured Iranian symbolic mind & with minimum physical aggression, provided the basis of Islamic Revolution''s Victory. Pahlavies, by ignoring symbolic Islamic Shia world, & emphasis on symbolic ancient & modern world, played an important role in political mobilization against themselves. We Study This Tow Symbolic Universe for the prepare how the Victory of Islamic Revolution.

We need Sociology Theories, For that Understand of Sociology and Politic Problems. French Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's theory Practice and Symbolic Power are our best resource; for Understanding Social and Political Fields. This Article Reviews the Language and Symbolic Power; indicating its Function in social and Political Fields.

During two last century the importance of social life symbolic aspects issue became notable between socialists. In Bourdieu’s point of view intellectuals are the main social groups which their symbolic products make changes in social human kinds. In this article is going to study the Reza Shah’s symbolic aspects by Bourdieu’s theory.This Article Claims, intellectuals during 1911-1926 in order Achive to progress of the Iran to produce new symbols based on Merged the ancient Iran Symbols with Modernity Symbols, after disappointment in order achive to constitution points. In our view, the Reza Shah’s establishment of new state relying on symbolic world.

During many years after Second World War, Keynos and welfare economy dominated Europe and many other countries. Transpiring the depression in 1970's and welfare government failure, market economy was observed by west politicians and voters.Hayek was one of the few intellectuals who theoretically and practically opposed the welfare and Keynes government by raising the economical spontaneous order and market economy. Using mannered theory and rational selection and through political idea approachh, this essay is going to prore this aim that hayk's economical spontaneous order is one of the siginificant and impressim ageuts, close to the political ideologies including right and left, at the end of the twenty century. fragmentation of East Bloc, appearance of new social movements and generalizing the global financial markets also have atlevest a unique, role in decreasing the differences of right and left ideologies and accepting the market economy.