فهرست مطالب naeem sherafat

The discourse of Nasserian nationalism in the fifties and sixties, the manifestation of the utopia and the place of realization of the suppressed Arabic human desires during the years of the rule of transnational and proxy systems were thought and in the face of other competing discourses such as liberalism and Islamic fundamentalism, it became the dominant discourse of the region; But over time, the duality in the slogan and action of this discourse became known to everyone. Moreover, as an imposed and hegemonic discourse, the emerging dictatorship of Arabic nationalism was forced. This article, using library data and critical discourse analysis method, first identifies the semantic system and components of Nasserian nationalism discourse based on the definitions of the two concepts of discourse and hegemony, and then aimed at integrating attitudes and behaviors of this discourse Nasserian nationalism is measured in textual and intertextual analysis. Data indicate that Nasserian nationalism focused most of its attention on the magnification and myth of Abdel Nasser and the hegemony of his intended political movement within the country, the region, and even the world. In other words, the point of Nasserian nationalism discourse, the integrated Arabic identity in Charisma, and the power of Abdel Nasser were summarized. Furthermore, taking advantage of the period of the absence of the Arab society from colonialism and corruption of the monarchy and relying on signs such as the Arab unity, the Arab nation, and other ideological and epic signals was an opportunity to legitimize its political status and authority over other regional discourses. Abdel Nasser used any tool for enemy and non-hostility and increased political and ideological conflicts in order to attract different strata of people to his discourse. Explaining the factors of formation, authority, and ultimately suppressing the discourse of Nasserian nationalism in the geopolitical environment of that time is the most important issue.

This article, by accepting the hypothesis of confusion of the soul and mind of the Arab intellect in the nationalist revolutions of the Arab countries, seeks to analyze the behaviors and actions of the Arab nationalist man in the face of others in the revolutionary discourse of Nasserism. Arab nationalism in the four autobiographical films of Egyptian director Youssef Shahin Based on the method of discourse analysis and in the theoretical framework of Jacques Lacan's subject psychology. The young revolutionary intellectual of Egypt in the 1950s and 1960s is attracted to the signifiers of the discourse of Nassirist nationalism due to ideological and identical cleavages resulting from centuries of domination by transnational and proxy systems; A discourse that was initially thought of as an infinite matter (reality) and the manifestation of the utopia and the place of realization of the repressed desires of the Arab man (subject), but over time, the contradictions between the slogan and practice in the mentioned discourse became known to all and as a Discourse and the imposed (symbolic dimension) were forcibly accepted by the emerging dictatorship of Arab nationalism. The young revolutionary intellectual who was once fascinated by this discourse, after seeing the defeat and humiliation of Arab nationalism in the war with Israel and the financial and moral scandal of its commanders, suffers a lot of pain and longing (jouissance). But, because of their fascination with this discourse, hides them and after a while, like his father (Nasserist discourse), he experiences a similar tyranny. The main question of this article is why the behavior of the Egyptian revolutionary intellectuals changed from freedom-seeking to tyranny?

Emergence of the Reform Government in 1997 which gained political power through the slogan of political development and the expansion of civil liberties and by the significant participation of women in the electoral field, on the one hand, it has again raised and pursued the socio-political issues and demands of women with greater determination and at a wider level than in the past, and on the other hand, there is room for greater participation and participation of women in community affairs and government.

The main issue in the present study is coverage of the basic features of feminism in the newspapers attributed to the reform movement, which is a practical scientific method of analyzing the content of 8 titles of the leading newspapers in the period 1996 to 2000 And using the T test And two-way analysis of variance.

The findings show that despite developments in the field of women during this period, reformist newspapers still adopt a conservative approach and continue to have a patriarchal approach, focusing less on women's fundamental issues in politics, economics, society, art and media, the family, and the family , Education, legal affairs, sports and entertainment.

One of the first fields affected by modernism in Islamic societies over the past two centuries was education. Expansion of the modern system of education, its relative successes, and supports by governments led to a long period of passivity, imitation, and submission in Islamic societies. The late decades of the 20th century revealed drawbacks of this modern system and Islamic scholars tried to review their religion heritage, criticize the Western schools, and introduce comprehensive replacements. They were looking for something rooted in their religion and compatible with today needs. Mohammad Abid Aljabiri critically reviewed the tradition and modernism in Islamic world. He classified education in Morocco into pre-colonization, colonization, and post-colonization and further examined the latter in four fields of Taʾmim (public education), Tuhid (equalization), Taʾrib(Arabization), and Almaqribia (Moroccozation). He supported replacing modernization of social masses by the education compatible with indigenous condition. The present paper elaborates on Jabiri’s ideas about modern education.