فهرست مطالب omid azizyan

In the sociology of knowledge, social determinants play an important role in the awareness of a phenomenon or the understanding of the thoughts and actions of an intellectual.This research relying on Karl Mannheim's sociology of knowledge especially the discussion of social determinants seeks to understand the issue of what social determinants have played an important role in shaping Shariati's thought and practice.Therefore, the question will be what effects have social determinations had in shaping Shariati's thought and practice, and the hypothesis is that social determinations have played a prominent role in shaping Shariati's thought and practice.The purpose of this research is not to introduce and describe Shariati's personality,but rather to show the social origin of Shariati's thought and action.In general,according to the topics raised in the framework of the sociology of knowledge and especially the social determinants considered byKarl Mannheim,it can be said that Shariati's thoughts and actions were not formed in a vacuum,and each of Shariati's theories is related to specific principles, principles and epistemological foundations.and from the practical side, it has been influenced byits social and cultural contexts

Mohammed bin Zayed changed the UAE's foreign policy strategy after coming to power in 2004. Moving away from the traditional strategy of defensive policy, bin Zayed adopted a new strategy towards Iran and the Middle East region. Meanwhile, the changes in coalition patterns of the region in the form of the "Ebrahimi Peace" plan in order to unite with Israel, the Arab NATO plan and efforts to strengthen the US military presence in the region, have threatened the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the present study seeks to answer the fundamental question that what opportunities and requirements has Mohammad bin Zayed's foreign policy strategy in the region created for the foreign policy and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In this article, "Neorealism" is used as a theoretical approach by an explanatory-analytical research method while library methods were used for data acquisition. The findings of the present study indicate that the UAE's growing proximity to Israel, its efforts to establish an Arab front with Egypt and Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi's proximity to the United States, and its widespread confrontation with Iran undermine Iran's national security. These wide-ranging impacts have created the need to reconsider the type of engagement with the UAE at both levels of confrontation and de-escalation.

This article discusses the foreign policy strategy of traditional Arab leaders in the three countries of "Saudi Arabia", "UAE" and "Egypt" and by reading their foreign policy, features such as the policy of non-confrontation with Iran, economic dependence on Western countries; Westernization and non-recognition of Israel were examined. However, the present study seeks to answer the fundamental question of the traditional Arab leaders' foreign policy strategy and what approach they took towards Iran? The strategy of traditional Arab leaders towards foreign policy has been based on defensive realism. By adopting this strategy, Arab leaders avoided costly and impulsive behaviors towards regional conflicts by pursuing a policy of patience and anticipation. They also followed a conservative approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran, far from confrontation. In this article, James Rosena's theory of decision making and defensive realism have been used as a framework of integrated theory, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The library-documentary way has been used to collect data. The present study's findings show that traditional Arab leaders, unlike the new generation, pursued a conservative and defensive strategy in foreign policy, and their approach to Iran was based on a policy of patience and avoidance of confrontation and aggression.

After entering the power system in Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, made great changes to the Saudi foreign policy strategy. By leaving the traditional strategy of defensive policy, he conducts an offensive strategy against Iran and the middle east and north Africa regions. Meanwhile, changing the coalition patterns in the region in the form of alliance with Israel, the NATO plan and trying to retain American military in the region has threatened national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, the present study aims to answer the question of what requirements the foreign policy strategy of Mohammad bin Salman in the region has created for the foreign policy and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In this paper, "the security of the Copenhagen school" and "aggressive constructivism" have been used as a theoretical framework. Research methodology and data collecting are descriptive-analytical and library-documentary approaches. The findings indicate that the increasing closeness of Saudi to Israel, trying to create an Arab front along with Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, Riyadh 's attempt to move closer to the United States and bring this country to a wide contrast with Iran, has touched Iran 's national security at two levels of confrontation and detente.

After coming to power in Egypt, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi changed the foreign policy strategy of Egypt. He is following a realistic attitude in foreign policy. Abdel Fattah al-Sisi is trying to limit the influence of Iran's regions with an aggressive approach. Meanwhile, the development of cooperation with Israel and take into account an active participation in the coalition against Iran threatens Iran's national security. According to the above-mentioned, the present study seeks to answer the fundamental question of what requirements the foreign policy strategy of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in the region has created for the foreign policy and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this paper, the theory of "Copenhagen School Regional Security", "aggressive realism" and "decision making" are combined and used as a theoretical framework. In this study, we have utilized, respectively, descriptive-analytical and library-documentary techniques for methodology and data collection sections. The findings of the present study indicate that Egypt, with its growing proximity to Israel, efforts to establish an Arab front with the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, confrontational policies against resistance groups in the region, and widespread confrontation with Tehran’s regional policies, has affected Iran's national security on a large scale and therefore has created the need to reconsider the type of interaction with Egypt on two levels of confrontation and de-escalation.

Social capital, as a prominent concept in social sciences, plays an important role in advancing the process of political development. The first and perhaps the most important topic in social capital is the development of civil society. Social cohesion and political coherence achieved through public union and participation in civic institutions also strengthens political stability. Our main questions in this article are: What mechanisms of civil society affect the political development? In Kurdistan Province, how did civil institutions, after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, affect civil participation and political development? To answer the research questions in the present reseach, sing the theoretical framework of Robert Putnam, the relationship between the concepts of social capital and political development has been studied. To collect and analyze the data from Kurdistan Province, a statistical research method has been used. The findings of the research show that in Kurdistan province, after the revolution, civil institutions have been strengthened, social trust and social capital have increased, peoples’ participation and activities in civil institutions has increased and the process of promoting political development has advanced as well.