peyman zangane

In psychological discourse, subjects located in social act context use language as a tool for understanding their contextual phenomena. Indeed, based on interaction of language and context, individual’s discourse practices are established in social context, and because of this interaction, the discourse is strengthened or weakened. Despite the fact that total nationalism-secularism discourse of Pahlavi the Second is in hegemony social context, actors of lingual single speech indicate its inconsistent orientations toward dominant speech. Though this lingual part is hidden, but it opens critical mindfulness of actors of this period toward dominant political phenomena. On the basis of this, each of the actors of Pahlavi the Second, by accepting dominant principles of discourse established on total monarchy is affected by different approaches of its psychology rooted in their contextual contexts and has different perception of established identity of Pahlavi the Second. On the basis of the Patter and Votrel’s discourse psychological approach; this study tries to examine different perception of index actors in era of Pahlavi the Second located in reciprocal act with dominant discourse structure using their political diaries. According to the result of the current paper, Alam and Hoveida as two typical actors of Pahlavi Era, despite their official comments based on total monarchy of Pahlavi, but among their informal correspondence, their mindset inconsistency is apparent with Pahlavi power structure.

The Terrorist attacks of 9/11 brought about a Fundamental change in US foreign policy. To pinpoint this Phenomenon, American officials blamed the lack of democracy and lasting peace in depressed societies for the violence and terrorist movements. The main question of the present study is what were the American peace-building strategies from the time of George w. Bush to the era of neo-Hamiltonism, Biden tenure in Afghanistan in order to establish lasting peace, security and Expanding Democracy? The research hypothesis points out that US activism in Afghanistan to bring peace is rooted in the pursuit of trans-regional interests and the implementation of American globalization. Basically, attention to the issue and approach to peace-building in Afghanistan in the perceptual-practical apparatus of the united states in order to create a stable country in peace and democracy, a policy that somehow to keep the internal currents in Afghanistan away from relations. Has and does not pay attentions to the internal structure of Afghanistan, so the process of sustainable peace-building has not been successful and has not led to positive results. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on the concept of democratic peace/ peace-building. The findings show that white House governments from the time of neo-conservatives under Bush(son) to the era of so-called neo-hamiltonism (joe Biden) have consolidated their peace-building strategies to secure their interests in the trans-regional dimension, as well as their presence. Has always used worry-free to focus on regional competitors such as china and Russia.

The role of Qom as producing source of religious knowledge in changes during contemporary period of Iran is significant. As this city has had religious background from the past, it has produced various literature in the realm of religious affairs that in one hand administrated interaction with state and on the other contrasted with it. In this trend, some of clergymen in Qom have adopted passive stand in the framework of traditionalist approach, the others adopted interactive stand in relation with Pahlavi regime and some of the others adopted contrastive stand with this regime through presenting new interpretation of religious statements. Regarding religious backgrounds of Qom, we have noticed development of two metanarratives in framework of this city. Traditionalist religious metanarrative and the other Islamic revolutionary-political metanarrative. Although at first traditionalist religious metanarrative was dominant in religious seminary field of Qom; but gradually we noticed hegemonic inclination of Islamic revolutionary-political narrative not only in political atmosphere of Qom but also in political atmosphere of Iran during Pahlavi period. The question in this study is that what are the reasons for inclination of traditionalist Islamic metanarrative to revolutionary-political Islam in thought atmosphere of Qom religious seminary? Authors based on Gideon’s structure finding theory believe that although social and political structure of second period of Pahlavi affected change of dominant approach in Qom religious seminary, but the main factor of this change is the significant role of religious clergymen as representatives of the religious seminary.