seyed hamze safavi

Intervention includes overt and covert efforts aimed at changing, replacing, or preserving foreign governments. These efforts include a wide and diverse range of political, economic, security, military and technological measures. The process of these interventions reached its peak after World War II and the United States becoming one of the poles of the world in competition with the Soviet Union, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, it appeared at new levels in order to establish American hegemony. This article is trying to answer the question, assuming that the new intervention approaches are mostly based on economic issues, what were the patterns of foreign intervention in Iran's economic sectors? By studying the Babuk mechanism, the research finally analyzes the mechanism, effects and approaches in this field. due to the level of existing bank systems and the lack of effective communication between business and existing information systems; The decision-making system in the bank is facing a lot of challenges. By establishing a relationship between the business and the data system, the Babuk standard tries to organize the decision-making system in such a way that decisions are made based on a correct understanding of the bank's environment and conditions, which is now completely dependent on the elite level and The experience of managers. The findings of the research indicate that the three general methods of intervention of the United States of America on Iran include direct sanctions on economic sectors, indirect restrictions on economic sectors and direct damage, sabotage and hacking of economic infrastructure.

The US interventions in changing government systems in other countries,include overt and covert attempts with the aim of changing, replacing ormaintaining foreign governments. These attemps included widespreadand various spectrum ranging from measures consisting of supporting agovernment’s opposition groups, economic sanctions, measures within theSecurity Council framework, supporting coups, spionage and finally, directmilitary intervention.

The present age can be considered the age of corridors in the world.  The present century is called the century of corridors because of the importance of the movement of goods and the means of communication that can overshadow the geoeconomics of different regions.  For this reason, in geo-economics, the routes that can form the land and sea communication route between countries, regions, and even continents are of great importance. The Middle East region has always been considered an important region in this regard; because for a long time, the world has been the communication route from east to west and vice versa. The vastness and geopolitical position of the Middle East has always led to the passage of various important trade routes through this region.  This feature can be seen in the periods of formation of ancient civilizations and the efforts of various civilizations in this region to dominate important highways. Among the most important roads that passed through this region, we can mention the Silk Road, which is as old as the life of the civilizations in this region. For this reason, the importance of this region can’t be considered solely dependent on the provision of world hydrocarbon resources by countries in the region; rather, the role of this region and its gateways in the transit routes of the world can be an important element in the importance of this region in the eyes of other world powers.  In recent years, the transit importance of the Middle East region has increased due to changes in the political, security, and economic structure of the world and regional order.  Especially since the world economic structure has undergone serious changes with the significant and growing growth of India and China as two Asian powers. India, along with China, is considered one of the most important economic powers in the world.The Arab-Mediterranean Corridor is one of the most important projects between the crossings through the Persian Gulf region and the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The corridor starts at the port of  Mumbai in  India and crosses the  Oman  Sea via some parts of the  Saudi  Arabian Peninsula to the port of  Haifa in the eastern  Mediterranean,  ending at  Europe by sea. To this end, India, to be able to supply its various goods to different parts of the world, has directly designed and implemented transit projects around it.  In particular, in the meantime, India has been economically engaged with a rival such as China and has drawn strategic and diverse polls so that its economic interests do not interfere with a great power like China.  One of these important steps in the strategic documents of the Government of India is the passage called the Arab-Mediterranean Corridor with the Indo-European Corridor. The initial route starts from the west coast of India and originates from the port of Bombay and reaches the ports of the United Arab Emirates by sea, where it connects by land to Saudi Arabia and finally by rail from Saudi Arabia to Jordan and the regime.  It connects to Zion and ends at the port of Haifa on the east coast of the Mediterranean. It is noteworthy that this route eventually reaches Greece and Rupa by sea. In the meantime, this trade route can be the most important and economical route from India to other parts of the world. from this route, India will be directly connected to Europe and its market.It seems that the completion of this roadmap, which requires the provision of political, security, and economic grounds among the countries involved, could have consequences, and these consequences could overshadow the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region. To this end, the authors of the present study sought to answer the question of how the consequences of the Arab-Mediterranean Corridor project will affect the security and economic interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region. Using the descriptive-explanatory method, the authors have reached the hypothesis that  "the consequences of completing the Arab-Mediterranean project can be summarized in the geopolitical change of the region, strengthening the formation of an economic-political crescent by the Hebrew-Arab axis and strengthening relations between countries along this corridor. As a result, the completion of the Arab-Mediterranean corridor will change the geopolitics of the region and reduce the strategic importance of Iran's southern borders to the Strait of Hormuz, and these issues will create economic and security threats to the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region."

This research studies the Future of Iran-Turkey Relations to help the policymakers by depicting the future atmosphere of relations between the two countries, so they can think of alternative options that are closest to the national interests of the country. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify probable scenarios in Iran-Turkey relations on the horizon of 2030.The research is exploratory in nature, practical in purpose, mixed in data gathering, and correlational in data analysis. A scenario planning method based on cross-impact balance analysis was used in this research. First, the 62 variables affecting the Iran-Turkey relations were identified. By distributing a questionnaire among 35 experts, the effect, importance and uncertainty of each variable were determined. Finally, the validity of 57 variables were confirmed as factors and drivers affecting the future of Iran-Turkey relations. To analyze the results of the questionnaire and select the key factors, the importance-performance analysis method was used and the threshold value of significance and uncertainty was determined. In total, 19 factors had importance and uncertainty above the threshold value. Then, using Friedman test, 19 factors were ranked and by determining the cut-off point of ten, so eight final key factors were selected to form the matrix of cross-impact balance. Then, by forming a panel of experts and weighing the interactions and software analysis with Scenario Wizard,4 scenarios with zero incompatibility and 17 scenarios with incompatibility value of one, were obtained and by combining close scenarios, seven final scenarios were written and analyzed.

After the 1990 unification in Yemen, the country’s officials made efforts to adopt a new turn of behaviors in various areas, especially their foreign policy, in accordance to the created changes to prove themselves to their peripheral and international environments. Based thereupon, they did their best to define a new identity for the unified Yemen and identify their foreign policy and behavior in proportion thereto, although they did not succeed and their ambitious ideas were quickly wilted before getting united. According to this chaos, one can realize the Yemen’s foreign policy, with the lack of well-established framework during the post-unification years, as a product of identity crisis stemming from various roots. Before bearing witness to a coherent national identity in Yemen, it is the subnational identities that separately exert diverse effects on the various aspects of the country, including its foreign policy. The absence of a state-nation has practically caused the formation of a level of identity conflict in Yemen and this identity crisis has influenced the all aspects of policy-making in this country, including the foreign behavior and foreign policy. Proposing the theoretical framework of constructivism, the present study investigates the foreign behavior and foreign policy of Yemen as well as the factors influencing them based on this approach.