فهرست مطالب seyed shamseddin sadeghi

An important issue on which the political and economic experts and the public have recently focused is the failure of privatization and failure to transfer governmental property to the private sector (the public) and extensive transfer of national property to the sector so-called quasi-government. A review on the privatization process in Iran, after 30 years, indicates that after years of struggling to cut the government's hand in the economics, not only people own no large corporations, but the government is also excluded from running them and a powerful sector, i.e. quasi-government has been formed along with the public and private sectors. Using theoretical-analytic method and according to the theory of "violence and social order" by Douglas North, John Joseph Wallis, and Barry Winga, which is based on the conscious distribution of rent among elites in a restricted order, the present study aims at finding an answer to this question what caused diversion of privatization and transfer of government property that is considered national capital to the quasi-government sector (public non-governmental and military institutions). In this sense, it can be said that in the restricted order, the dominant coalition to control social order and prevent the dissatisfaction of the core members of power have to grant political and economic privileges (rent) to these members. In this context, the transfer of property to sectors that are neither public nor private in Iran is based on this trend.

Abstract Today the dynamics of globalization not only the objective realm of social life of societies, but also have transformed the theoretical and methodological realm of social science in analyzing and explaining social phenomena.in other words, the current dynamics of globalization has discredited the old scales of analysis of phenomena within the realm of the social sciences. In this regard, the adoption of new methodological perspectives has been crucial for the study of social phenomena and issues. The main research question is: in the age of globalization, what is the importance necessity of applying»methodological glocalization« in the analysis of social and political phenomena? The hypothesis appropriate to the research question is that, methodological Glocalization Beyond methodological Nationalism and Methodological Globalism provide new interpretive and analytical tools for political and social scholars to understand social phenomena. The finding of the study shows that within the framework of methodological glocalization, there will be an opportunity examine two global and local phenomena at the same time in a dialectical relationship. In this research, methodological glocalization is considered as an independent variable and understanding of social phenomena as dependent variable.

The astonishing economic development of South Korea in the four decades, since the end of the Korean War, has surprised many observers and researchers around the world. In less than four decades, South Korea has grown from one of the poorest countries in the world to an industrially advanced country. South Korea's economic development is often referred to as the "Han River Miracle"and has given it the nickname "Asian Tiger". Today, it is the twelfth largest economy in the world and has the fourth largest foreign exchange reserves in the world. This study seeks to answer the question: What were the reasons for the rapid and miraculous economic development of South Korea in the post-World War II period? The hypothesis of this research is that the existence of a development-oriented government in South Korea has been the main reason for the development of this country in the mentioned period. In fact, South Korea's leapfrog development would not have been possible without a development-oriented and elite government determined to thrive and develop economically. Such states have characteristics such as having development-oriented elites, efficient and development-oriented bureaucracy, weak civil society, relative state independence, and strengthening state independence. The theoretical framework of the article is based on the theory of the developmental government of Adrian Leftwich and the method of descriptive-analytical research using library resources, articles, books and prestigious domestic and foreign journals.

China's increasing power could be analyzed in two areas of soft and hard power. In the field of the extension and spread of China's hard power, one can say that in terms of financial and economic criteria, the country has experienced a rapid growth over the past three decades. In terms of soft power, the country with regard to its cultural elements, and especially with the use of the effective foreign policies, has achieved a significantly regional and global influence. This study seeks to answer the fundamental question that, what is the nature of China's soft power and, what are the basics and principles which this power relies on? In order to answer these main questions, we will attempt to answer other questions in this regard, including what are the targeted geographic areas of China's soft power? And basically, to consolidate and expand its soft power, what tools and resources are used by China? This study, in analyzing the principles of China's soft power, emphasizes the importance of China's Confucian culture and Shows how China enjoying various facilities in the field of cultural diplomacy and by using the economic instruments and its active foreign policy, has gained a considerable power and influence at the global level, especially in its soft power targeted areas.

One of the main concerns of political Sociology of Iran is how to enter the path of political development. In other words, it means by which way we can achieve the political development: from the top and by the dominant political elites (reformation), from the bottom and by the presence and entrance of masses into the political realm (revolution) or from the outside (international organizations/human rights agencies)? The explanatory claim of this research is that political development is hard to achieve without considering the nature of the political culture of Iran’s mass. In this regard the main concern of the present research is to explain and analyze the effect of the mass political culture on the process of political development in Iran. Considering this important fact, the research is aimed to explain nature of the relation of political development and political culture and the effect of the mass political culture on political development in Iran. The question of the research is what effect the mass political culture has on the process of political development in Iran. In order to answer the question of the research the following hypothesis is evaluated: because of the lack of the required contexts and opportunity due to the State the mass political culture has a deterrent effect on the process of Iran’s political development. The research method is descriptive-analytical on the basis of the framework of historical sociology and collective psychology.

After the Cold war ended, one of the approaches discussed in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is looking to the East. The Islamic Republic of Iran has devoured to supply part of its political purposes using this new approach, to avoid the uni-polarization of International System’s Structure after the Cold war. Although over the past two decades, the dynamics of Russian-Iranian relations have seemed unstable and, to a certain extent, unpredictable for other players in the international arena; Iran’s diplomatic system attracted its special attention to Russia, while this country is identified as a new hegemonic power in the International System with its power matrix on the rise and it is going to be more powerful in different economic, political influence and material dimensions. Iran has tried via progressive contribution with this international center power to supply part of its national goals in regional and international levels. Reciprocally, Iran is of particular importance to Russia as a regional partner, especially in countering U.S. penetration into the Middle East. One of the most important factors currently influencing the dynamic of Russian–Iranian relations is the Syrian Crisis with the United States, the European Union and the other regional power countries at its opposite end. The Method utilized in this research is descriptive analytical and the Structural Realism model theory was used in data analysis.

After the Cold war ended, One of the approaches discussed in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran will look to the east. This approach, was adapted in the priority of Iran’s foreign Policy in the wake of the passage of decade of ending diplomatic relations Iran with United States American and Serious European Union boycotts against Islamic Republic of Iran. Although Over the past- two decades, the dynamics of Russo- Iranian relations have seemed unstable and, to a certain extent, unpredictable for other players in the international arena; Iran's diplomatic's system attracted its special attention to Russia, while this country is identified as a new hegemonic power in international system that its power's matrix on the rise and Its going to be more powerful in different economical, political influence and matrial dimentions, Iran tried via pregressive contribution white this international center power to supply part of its national goals in regional and international levels. with this regard, this research aims to analysis how much after cold war, this hegemonic structure of the international system succeed to provide coallition building’s opportunit in establish strategic Alliance for Iran's diplomatic's system.

Transformation in the Middle East geopolitical security environment after September 11, has induced the players in the region to adopt different realistic approaches to critical incidents. In this case, Russia is one of the players who has adopted a realistic approach and deeply involved itself in Syria crisis. In this crisis, Russia in a geopolitical conflict and in competition with other regional and trans-regional rivals pursues its military-security and strategic interests. Contrary to some regional players, with different and contradictory positions who consider and pursue the overthrown scenario of Bashar Al-Assad, Russia keeping its security considerations in this crisis, attempts to support Syria government against internal opposition and international supporters, and keep Assad Regime in power so as to provide its interests and strategic objectives both in Syria and in the security environment in East Mediterranean. Regarding this concern, the main question is that what is the geopolitics importance of the Syria in Russia’s security environment?
To answer this question, the authors hypothesize that in the security environment of Russia, military and strategic importance of Syria is of a great value which keeps a balance in security equation of East Mediterranean. It should be noted that this paper will adopt aninvasiveand defensive realism approach all throughout its content.

The Syria conflict has the potential to change the regional balance of power significantly with all players nervously eyeing the gains and losses to their regional status and strength and responding accordingly. The ongoing internal conflict between the Assad-led government and the political and military opposition forces within Syria has increasingly become a regional conflict. This is the case not only because the violence within Syria has regional implications, but also because all the main regional powers have been directly involved in the conflict, mostly by supporting one of the warring sides. For Example, this is particularly true in the case of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which has been one of the stronger regional supporters of the anti-Assad opposition; Because Relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran in recent years have been characterized by religious-ideological antagonism, competing political and geostrategic interests, and an ongoing competition for regional hegemony With the onset of the Arab Awakening, the hostility between the two states has intensified, especially as the regional revolutionary wave arrived in Syria, creating a direct clash between Saudi and Iranian interests and policies. One the other hand, The Syrian conflict has been a major test for Turkey’s Middle East policy as well as its domestic politics. Regionally, Syria has become the test case for Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu’s vision to engage regional actors, including political exchanges. On the domestic front, Turkish engagement with the Syrian regime ensured its cooperation with Turkey in its three-decade fight against the PKK. Purpose in this reserch is coming to a great understanding of positive approach in Syria’s Crisis. Research Method is descriptive – analytical and research type is functional and data collecting is based on document and book study.

This Study uses Discourse analysis for showing articulation of ISIS discourse and in doing so avoids reductionist views that focus on event in Iraq and Syria in twenty first century. Firs there are a Genealogy about salafis from Ibn Timiyeh to Seyed Ghotb in twentieth century. The focus is on Collapse of Ottoman Empire and domination of secular discourses. After that a discussion will be brought about events resulting from confrontation of Islamic discourses with Secularism. Finally meaning of signifiers to Islam and their function in thinking system of ISIS and especially central signifier of caliphate are analyzed. Therefore this study wants to use Discourse analysis of Laclau and Mouffe to answer this question: what are cognitive foundations of ISIS discourse and how it has been articulated? For answering the question this hypothesis is measured: Takfiri- Salafi thought and confrontation of Islam with secularism after caliphate period is an important foundation for ISIS discourse. This foundation has been articulated around central signifier of caliphate and provides legitimation sphere and otherness. In this study the most important Islamic concepts like monotheism, Jihad, Takfir, fight with heresy, sharia enforcement and return to competent predecessors around central signifier of caliphate will be under analysis and their function for caliphate discourse will be shown. Therefore we can understand appearance, power, violence and efforts for hegemony of ISIS.At the the end we can say again that this study avoids reductionist views and tries to uncover different cognitive layers and historical grounds of ISIS.

Although Syria crisis was started at the same time with Arab spring and Islamic awareness, there was kind of ambiguity for some of the analysists that it was a part of Islamic movments in the regional countries, But existence of terroristic parties and salfi fondementalists including Al - nosrah, Ahrar- sham and Daesh which were united together to conquer Syria’s government made Iran in position that could observe region and this country changes more critically and support Syria’s government and people interests. according to this point, assumeption in this research is that Iran’s positions against Syria’s crisis is realistic and based on Syria and Iran’s national interests for people and govrnment in both contries. Purpose in this reserch is coming to a great understanding of positive approach in Syria’s crisis. research method is descriptive – analytical and research type is functional and data collecting is based on document and book study.

Look east doctrine is an important approach in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This approach was adapted as a policy priority, following a decade of disruption of diplomatic relationship with the United States of America as well as the intensification of EU sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Adopting this new approach, the IR of Iran has tried to safeguard its economic goals and objectives by abstracting the unipolar structure of the international system formed following the Cold War. China, as a new hegemonic power in the international system, has attracted the attention of Iran’s diplomatic apparatus, in order to strengthen Iran’s national interests in regional and international levels, by expanding the cooperation with this rich and powerful pole in international system. This article analyzes the extent the hegemonic structure of international system allows a coalition-building opportunity for Iranian diplomacy to establish strategic relations with China.
The main question of the paper is to find the objectives of the IR of Iran in extending its strategic relations with China. The study uses an analytic- descriptive method based on the theory of power to test the validity of the hypothesis that the IR of Iran considers China as one of the suitable alternatives in the area economic strategic relationship.

One of the variables which challenges the position of the states and makes them pay attention to the structure of the international system in the foreign policy decision making is the situation imposed on them by the international political economy. Therefore, the theoreticians of the political economy and International Relations, regarding the current trends in the International system, have named the 21st century, the century of Geo-economics. That is because of the fact that they believe one of the most important global challenges in this century is the competition for energy resources; moreover, the problem of energy security is among the most important issues of the political economy paradigm in this century. In this regard, International relations theorists, including Functionalists and Regionalists, suggest that the development of the economic cooperations is among the appropriate methods of creating convergence in the international relations, as well as creating peace and stability, especially among the countries in one region. Concerning this fact, the development of the strategic Cooperations between Iran and the countries of the Indian Subcontinent in the field of energy can be evaluated as a strategic move and positive step towards the provision of national interests and national security of the nations involved although it seems that such an idea will encounter serious restrictions. Investigation of this issue and different problems regarding the gas export of Iran including the Peace-Pipeline is the main purpose of the present research.

Within the framework of an international political economy approach, this article analyses the increasing distance between Russia and the European Union (EU) in their interdependent relationship, with regard to oil and gas. Russia’s need to export its oil and gas to European markets has led to mutual dependence that precludes the instrumentalization of energy and pipeline policy as a factor of Russian foreign policy in the age of globalization. The author argues that using its energy sources and pipeline monopolies as a political instrument to enforce its economic and geopolitical interests will be self-defeating for Russia in terms of its long-term strategic interests. Furthermore, this article attempts to outline the main obstacles for Russia in the Eurasian energy market, such as the presence of China, the European Union and the United States.

One of the variables which challenges the position of the states,and makes them to consider International Structure in the Foreign Policy decision making, is the situation imposed on them by the new structure of International Political Economy. Therefore,theoreticians of Political Economy and International Relations,with regarding the current trends in the international system,have named the 21st century, the century of Geo-Economics.That is because of the fact that they believe the most important global challenge in this century is a competition for energy resources; moreover, the problem of energy security will be the most important Political Economy Paradigm in this century. Considering the aforementioned issues, this dissertation will investigate the relationship between new structure of International Political Economy variable and Iran’s position in the field of Energy Transition. Using macro analysis level of international system structure as over approach, as well as Structural Realism Theory, this article attempts to explain causally the assumed relationship.